@phdthesis{Weiss2020,
  author    = {Weiß, Martin},
  title     = {The neural principles of behavior modification using socioemotional facial feedback cues in economic decision-making},
  doi       = {10.25972/OPUS-20865},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-208654},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t W{\"u}rzburg},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {The present dissertation aims to shed light on different mechanisms of socio-emotional feedback in social decision-making situations. The objective is to evaluate emotional facial expressions as feedback stimuli, i.e., responses of interaction partners to certain social decisions. In addition to human faces, artificial emojis are also examined due to their relevance for modern digital communication. Previous research on the influence of emotional feedback suggests that a person's behavior can be effectively reinforced by rewarding stimuli. In the context of this dissertation, the differences in the feedback processing of human photographs and emojis, but also the evaluation of socially expected versus socially unexpected feedback were examined in detail in four studies. In addition to behavioral data, we used the electroencephalogram (EEG) in all studies to investigate neural correlates of social decision-making and emotional feedback. As the central paradigm, all studies were based on a modified ultimatum game. The game is structured as follows: there is a so-called proposer who holds a specific amount of money (e.g., 10 cents) and offers the responder a certain amount (e.g., 3 cents). The responder then decides whether to accept or reject the offer. In the version of the ultimatum game presented here, different types of proposers are introduced. After the participants have accepted or rejected in the role of the responder, the different proposers react to the participant's decision with specific emotional facial expressions. Different feedback patterns are used for the individual experiments conducted in the course of this dissertation. In the first study, we investigated the influence of emotional feedback on decision-making in the modified version of the ultimatum game. We were able to show that a proposer who responds to the acceptance of an offer with a smiling face achieves more accepted offers overall than a control proposer who responds to both accepted and rejected offers with a neutral facial expression. Consequently, the smile served as a positive reinforcement. Similarly, a sad expression in response to a rejected offer also resulted in higher acceptance rates as compared to the control identity, which could be considered an expression of compassion for that proposer. On a neuronal level, we could show that there are differences between simply looking at negative emotional stimuli (i.e., sad and angry faces) and their appearance as feedback stimuli after rejected offers in the modified ultimatum game. The so-called feedback-related negativity was reduced (i.e., more positive) when negative emotions appeared as feedback from the proposers. We argued that these findings might show that the participants wanted to punish the proposers by rejecting an offer for its unfairness and therefore the negative feedback met their expectations. The altered processing of negative emotional facial expressions in the ultimatum game could therefore indicate that the punishment is interpreted as successful. This includes the expectation that the interaction partner will change his behavior in the future and eventually make fairer offers. In the second study we wanted to show that smiling and sad emojis as feedback stimuli in the modified ultimatum game can also lead to increased acceptance rates. Contrary to our assumptions, this effect could not be observed. At the neural level as well, the findings did not correspond to our assumptions and differed strongly from those of the first study. One finding, however, was that the neural P3 component showed how the use of emojis as feedback stimuli particularly characterizes certain types of proposers. This is supported by the fact that the P3 is increased for the proposer who rewards an acceptance with a smile as well as for the proposer who reacts to rejection with a sad emoji compared to the neutral control proposer. The third study examined the discrepancy between the findings of the first and second study. Accordingly, both humans and emojis representing the different proposers were presented in the ultimatum game. In addition, emojis were selected that showed a higher similarity to known emojis from common messenger services compared to the second study. We were able to replicate that the proposers in the ultimatum game, who reward an acceptance of the offer with a smile, led to an increased acceptance rate compared to the neutral control proposers. This difference is independent of whether the proposers are represented by emojis or human faces. With regard to the neural correlates, we were able to demonstrate that emojis and human faces differ strongly in their neural processing. Emojis showed stronger activation than human faces in the face-processing N170 component, the feedback-related negativity and the P3 component. We concluded that the results of the N170 and feedback-related negativity could indicate a signal for missing social information of emojis compared to faces. The increased P3 amplitude for emojis might imply that emojis appear unexpectedly as reward stimuli in a social decision task compared to human faces. The last study of this project dealt with socially unexpected feedback. In comparison to the first three studies, new proposer identities were implemented. In particular, the focus was on a proposer who reacted to the rejection of an offer unexpectedly with a smile and to the acceptance with a neutral facial expression. According to the results, participants approach this unexpected smile through increased rejection, although it is accompanied by financial loss. In addition, as reported in studies one and three, we were able to show that proposers who respond to the acceptance of an offer with a smiling face and thus meet the expectations of the participants have higher offer acceptance rates than the control proposer. At the neuronal level, especially the feedback from the socially unexpected proposer led to an increased P3 amplitude, which indicates that smiling after rejection is attributed a special subjective importance. The experiments provide new insights into the social influence through emotional feedback and the processing of relevant social cues. Due to the conceptual similarity of the studies, it was possible to differentiate between stable findings and potentially stimulus-dependent deviations, thus creating a well-founded contribution to the current research. Therefore, the novel paradigm presented here, and the knowledge gained from it could also play an important role in the future for clinical questions dealing with limited social competencies.},
  subject      = {Entscheidungsverhalten},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Stemmler2011,
  author    = {Stemmler, Thomas},
  title     = {Just do it! Guilt as a moral intuition to cooperate - A parallel constraint satisfaction approach},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-74873},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t W{\"u}rzburg},
  year      = {2011},
  abstract  = {Nach langer Dominanz rationaler Urteils- und Entscheidungsmodelle in der Moralpsychologie (z.B. Kohlberg, 1969) besteht seit einiger Zeit verst{\"a}rktes Interesse an intuitiven, emotionalen Einfl{\"u}ssen auf moralische Urteile und Entscheidungen (z.B. Greene, 2007; Haidt, 2001; Monin, Pizarro, \& Beer, 2007). Der Einfluss von Emotionen auf moralische Entscheidungen wird in der Literatur u.a. mittels heuristischer, non-kompensatorischer Informationsverarbeitung erkl{\"a}rt (z.B. Sinnott-Armstrong, Young, \& Cushman, 2010; Sunstein, 2005; Tobler, Kalis, \& Kalenscher, 2008). Hierbei wird jedoch der Prozess der Emotionsentstehung ignoriert. Appraisaltheorien postulieren, dass Emotionen durch die Inkoh{\"a}renz (oder Diskrepanz) von Verhaltensrepr{\"a}sentationen wie Zielen und Aktionen entstehen (Moors, 2009). Emotionsentstehung und (intuitives) Entscheiden kann in einem Modell vereint werden sobald man bei beiden Prozessen eine konnektionistische Struktur (z.B. Barnes \& Thagard, 1996) zugrunde legt. Die vorliegende Arbeit kontrastiert beide Perspektiven intuitiv-emotionalen Entscheidens im Hinblick auf Schuld und Kooperation.},
  subject      = {Kooperation},
  language  = {en}
}
@phdthesis{Roeschard2002,
  author    = {R{\"o}schard, Jacqueline},
  title     = {Cutter, carriers and bucket brigades ...},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-2240},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t W{\"u}rzburg},
  year      = {2002},
  abstract  = {This study investigates the foraging behaviour of grass-cutting ants, Atta vollenweideri, with specific consideration of the following issues: (a) cutting behaviour and the determination of fragment size, (b) the effect of load size on transport economics, (c) division of labour and task-partitioning. Grass-cutting ants, Atta vollenweideri, harvest grass fragments that serve as substrate for the cultivation of a symbiotic fungus. Foragers were observed to cut grass fragments across the blade, thus resulting in longish, rectangular-shaped fragments in contrast to the semicircular fragments of leaf-cutting ants. Cutting was very time-consuming: In tough grasses like the typical grassland species Paspallum intermedium and Cyperus entrerrianus, cutting times lasted up to more than 20 minutes per fragment and roughly half of all initiated cutting attempts were given up by the ants. Foragers harvesting the softer grass Leersia hexandra were smaller than those foraging on the hard grasses. Fragment size determination and the extent of size-matching between ant body size and fragment size was investigated regarding possible effects of tissue toughness on decision-making and as a function of the distance from the nest. Tissue toughness affected decision-making such that fragment width correlated with ant body mass for the hard grass but not for the soft one, suggesting that when cutting is difficult, larger ants tend to select wider grasses to initiate cutting. The length of the fragments cut out of the two grass species differed statistically, but showed a large overlap in their distribution. Distance from the nest affected load size as well as the extent of size-matching: Fragments collected directly after cutting were significantly larger than those carried on the trail. This indicates that fragments were cut once again on their way to the nest. Size-matching depended on the trail sector considered, and was stronger in ants sampled closer to the nest, suggesting that carriers either cut fragments in sizes corresponding to their body mass prior transport, or transferred them to nestmates of different size after a short carrying distance. During transport, a worker takes a fragment with its mandibles at one end and carries it in a more or less vertical position. Thus, load length might particularly affect maneuverability, because of the marked displacement of the gravitational center. Conversely, based on the energetic of cutting, workers might maximise their individual harvesting rate by cutting long grass fragments, since the longer a grass fragment, the larger is the amount of material harvested per unit cutting effort. I therefore investigated the economics of load transport by focusing on the effects of load size (mass and length) on gross material transport rate to the nest. When controlling for fragment mass, both running speed of foragers and gross material transport rate was observed to be higher for short fragments. In contrast, if fragment mass was doubled and length maintained, running speed differed according to the mass of the loads, with the heavier fragments being transported at the lower pace. For the sizes tested, heavy fragments yielded a higher transport rate in spite of the lower speed of transport, as they did not slow down foragers so much that it counterbalanced the positive effects of fragment mass on material transport rate. The sizes of the fragments cut by grass-cutting ants under natural conditions therefore may represent the outcome of an evolutionary trade-off between maximising harvesting rate at the cutting site and minimising the effects of fragment size on material transport rates. I investigated division of labour and task partitioning during foraging by recording the behaviour of marked ants while cutting, and by monitoring the transport of fragments from the cutting until they reached the nest. A. vollenweideri foragers showed division of labour between cutting and carrying, with larger workers cutting the fragments, and smaller ones transporting them. This division was absent for food sources very close to the nest, when no physical trail was present. Along the trail, the transport of fragment was a partitioned task, i.e., workers formed bucket brigades composed of 2 to 5 carriers. This sequential load transport occurred more often on long than on short trails. The first carriers of a bucket brigade covered only short distances before dropping their fragments, turned back and continued foraging at the same food source. The last carriers covered the longest distance. There was no particular location on the trail for load dropping , i.e., fragments were not cached. I tested the predictions of two hypotheses about the causes of bucket brigades: First, bucket brigades might occur because of load-carriage effects: A load that is too big for an ant to be carried is dropped and carried further by nestmates. Second, fragments carried by bucket brigades might reach the nest quicker than if they are transported by a single carrier. Third, bucket brigades might enhance information flow among foragers: By transferring the load a worker may return earlier back to the foraging site and be able to reinforce the chemical trail, thus recruitment. In addition, the dropped fragment itself may contain information for unladen foragers about currently harvested sources and may enable them to choose between sources of different quality. I investigated load-carriage effects and possible time-saving by presenting ants with fragments of different but defined sizes. Load size did not affect frequency of load dropping nor the distance the first carrier covered before dropping, and transport time by bucket brigades was significantly longer than by single carriers. In order to study the information transfer hypothesis, I presented ants with fragments of different attractivity but constant size. Ants carrying high-quality fragments would be expected to drop them more often than workers transporting low-quality fragments, thus increasing the frequency of bucket brigades. My results show that increasing load quality increased the frequency of bucket brigades as well as it decreased the carrying distance of the first carrier. In other words, more attractive loads were dropped more frequently and after a shorter distance than less attractive ones with the first carriers returning to the foraging site to continue foraging. Summing up, neither load-carriage effects nor time-saving caused the occurrence of bucket brigades. Rather, the benefit might be found at colony level in an enhanced information flow.},
  subject      = {Atta},
  language  = {en}
}