TY - JOUR A1 - Kestler, Thomas T1 - Exploring the Relationship Between Social Movement Organizations and the State in Latin America JF - Politics and Governance N2 - Under conditions of weak statehood, societal actors are supposed to assume functions usually attributed to the state. Social self-organization is expected to emerge when the state leaves important social problems unattended. Should social self-organization, therefore, be regarded as a reaction to state weakness and as compensation for state failure in the provision of basic services? Does society organize itself on its own in areas where the state is absent or ineffective? By the example of two Latin American social movements, this article aims to show that social self-organization—at least on a larger scale—is not independent of the state, but rather a result of a dynamic interaction with the state. The two examples this article explores are the middle-class Venezuelan neighborhood movement and the Argentine piquetero movement of unemployed workers. Both movements emerged as reactions to the state’s failure and retreat from essential social functions and both developed into extensive and influential social actors. For that reason, they can be regarded as crucial cases for observing the patterns and conditions of social self-organization and autonomous collective action within the specific Latin American context. Despite their different backgrounds and social bases, the two cases reveal remarkable similarities. They show that the emergence and development of self-organized social groups cannot be conceived simply as a reaction to state weakness, but rather should be viewed as a dynamic interaction with the state. KW - Argentina KW - neighborhood movement KW - piquetero movement KW - social movements KW - social self‐organization KW - state–society relations KW - Venezuela Y1 - 2023 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-321152 SN - 2183-2463 VL - 11 IS - 2 ER - TY - RPRT A1 - Schmidt, João Pedro T1 - Local Self-Organization and the Third Sector: Between the Philanthropic and the Associative Approaches T1 - Lokale Selbstorganisation und der Dritte Sektor: Zwischen philanthropischen und assoziativen Ansätzen N2 - Civil society organizations only started to be considered a sector in the 1970s in the United States. Amitai Etzioni pioneered the use of the expression third sector, which became common in academic and political literature. However, in the United States, the non-profit sector concept gradually became more robust and was spread internationally based on the studies conducted by Lester Salomon and associated researchers. The theory built on the concept of the non-profit sector is strongly related to the North American cultural context, marked by the tradition of philanthropy and volunteerism, but with little importance given to associative and cooperative organizations. The non-profit sector is implicitly or explicitly conceived as part of the private sphere. In contrast, theoretical currents such as liberal communitarianism, the theories of cooperation, common goods, social capital, European social economy, and the Latin American solidarity economy highlight the primacy of cooperation in solving collective problems. These theories underpin the associative approach of the third sector and link it to the community, not to the market. This paper argues that the associative approach is more appropriate for international studies on the third sector and the relevance of self-organization. The third sector, i.e., the set of organizations created and maintained by civil society, is the inheritor of the millennial associative tradition, including both entities whose values are compatible with the common good and those with particularistic values, authoritarian and contrary to human rights. The third sector is not entirely virtuous, but it is a vital sector for solving great human problems. N2 - Zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen wurden in den USA erst in den 1970er Jahren als ein eigenständiger Sektor betrachtet. Amitai Etzioni prägte hierbei den Begriff „dritter Sektor“, der in der akademischen und politischen Literatur üblich wurde. In den Ver-einigten Staaten wurde das Konzept des gemeinnützigen Sektors jedoch allmählich gefestigt und auf der Grundlage der von Lester Salomon und anderen Forschern durchgeführten Studien auch international verbreitet. Die Theorie, die auf dem Konzept des Non-Profit-Sektors aufbaut, ist stark mit dem nordamerikanischen kulturellen Kontext verbunden, der durch die Tradition der Philanthropie und des ehrenamtlichen Engagements geprägt ist, während assoziativen und genossenschaftlichen Organisationen wenig Bedeutung beigemessen wird. Der Non-Profit-Sektor wird implizit oder explizit als Teil der privaten Sphäre verstanden. Im Gegensatz dazu betonen theoretische Strömungen wie der liberale Kommunitaris-mus, die Theorien der Kooperation, der Gemeingüter, des Sozialkapitals, der europäischen Sozialwirtschaft und der lateinamerikanischen Solidarökonomie den Vorrang der Kooperation bei der Lösung kollektiver Probleme. Diese Theorien untermauern den assoziativen Ansatz des dritten Sektors und verbinden ihn mit der Gemeinschaft und nicht mit dem Markt. In diesem Papier wird argumentiert, dass der assoziative Ansatz für internationale Studien über den dritten Sektor und die Bedeutung der Selbstorganisation besser geeignet ist. Der dritte Sektor, d. h. die Gesamtheit der von der Zivilgesellschaft geschaffenen und unterhaltenen Organisationen, steht für das Erbe der tausendjährigen assoziativen Tradition, die sowohl Einrichtungen umfasst, deren Werte mit dem Gemeinwohl vereinbar sind, als auch solche mit partikularistischen, autoritären und menschenrechtswidrigen Werten. Der dritte Sektor ist nicht völlig tugendhaft, aber er ist ein wichtiger Bereich für die Lösung großer menschlicher Probleme. T3 - LoSAM Working Papers - 7 KW - Kommunitarismus KW - Nonprofit-Bereich KW - Selbstorganisation KW - Staat KW - Kooperation KW - communitarianism KW - common good KW - associativism KW - third sector Y1 - 2022 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-282803 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Stawski, Theresa Paola T1 - The state-regime-nexus: law and legal order JF - Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft N2 - The aim of this paper is to illuminate the interdependent relation and connectivity between state and regime known as the state-regime-nexus. To conceptualize the reciprocal institutional relation between state and regime and to deepen the understanding of the state-regime-nexus, I focus on law and legal order as one mutual linkage between state and regime in both democratic and autocratic regimes. To do so, this conceptual paper addresses two points that are part of the same topic: the relation between state, regime and law and different variants of legal order in democratic and autocratic regimes. This creates a theoretical basis to gain more conceptual and analytical clarity in the complex realm of the state-regime-nexus. KW - legal order KW - state KW - regime KW - nexus KW - law Y1 - 2021 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-270118 SN - 1865-2654 VL - 15 IS - 3 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Schröder, Lina T1 - Miller, Tilly: Konstruktivismus und Systemtheorie (Soziale Arbeit und ihre erkenntnistheoretischen Zugänge, Bd. 7), 130 S., Beltz Juventa, Weinheim 2021 JF - Neue Politische Literatur N2 - Kein Abstract vorhanden. KW - Konstruktivismus KW - Systemtheorie KW - Niklas Luhmann Y1 - 2021 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-271732 SN - 2197-6082 VL - 66 IS - 3 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Rüger, Carolin T1 - 20 Jahre nach 9/11 – Wie zukunftsfähig ist die Außenpolitik der Europäischen Union? JF - Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft N2 - Kein Abstract verfügbar KW - Europäische Union KW - Außenpolitik KW - Gemeinsamen Außen- und Sicherheitspolitik (GASP) KW - Gemeinsame Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik (GSVP) Y1 - 2021 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-271723 SN - 2366-2638 VL - 31 IS - 4 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Hauser, Anna Si-Lu A1 - Tiegna, Janneke T1 - “Local self-regulation between democracy and hierarchy. Varieties of structure and values”. Digital Mercator Workshop of the DFG Research Unit 2757/Local Self-Governance in the context of Weak Statehood in Antiquity and the Modern Era (LoSAM) from 18–19th March 2021 JF - Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft N2 - No abstract available. KW - self-governance KW - self-organisation KW - democracy KW - hierarchy Y1 - 2021 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-270096 SN - 1865-2654 VL - 15 IS - 2 ER - TY - THES A1 - Ulmer, Sabine T1 - Das Paradigma der non-indifference im Konfliktmanagement der Afrikanischen Union - ein hohles Konstrukt? T1 - The paradigm of non-indifference in the African Union’s conflict management – an empty shell? N2 - Im Zuge ihrer Gründung im Jahr 2002 implementierte die Afrikanische Union (AU), Nachfolgerin der Organisation für Afrikanische Einheit (OAU), fundamentale Reformen im Konfliktmanagement. Den Weg hierfür ebnete der Paradigmenwechsel von der Politik der strikten non-interference hin zu non-indifference, also einer nicht gleichgültigen Grundhaltung der Kontinentalorganisation gegenüber Konflikten. Dieser Beitrag untersucht, wie die AU non-indifference als neuen leitenden Grundsatz in der Konfliktbearbeitung auf rechtlicher und institutioneller Ebene ausgestaltet und fragt, ob dieser Rahmen schließlich in der Praxis Anwendung findet. Dafür wird zu Beginn der Wandel von non-interference zu non-indifference anhand des Übergangs von OAU zu AU dargelegt. Mit einem deskriptiven Ansatz werden im Anschluss die rechtlichen und institutionellen Grundlagen des AU-Konfliktmanagements vorgestellt, in denen sich das Paradigma der non-indifference niederschlägt. In einem weiteren Schritt wird analysiert, wie das rechtliche und institutionelle Gerüst in der Praxis angewandt wird. Drei Mitteln zur Konfliktbearbeitung gilt dabei besondere Aufmerksamkeit: Diplomatie, Sanktionierung und die Entsendung von Friedensmissionen. Wie das Paradigma der non-indifference auf praktischer Ebene zum Tragen kommt, wird anhand der Fälle Libyen 2011, Zentralafrikanische Republik 2013/14, Burundi 2015/16 und der African Union Mission in Sudan 2004-2007 gezeigt. N2 - When the African Union (AU), successor to the Organization for African Unity (OAU), emerged in 2002, it implemented fundamental reforms in conflict management. A paradigm shift from the policy of strict non-interference to a policy of non-indifference towards conflicts on the African continent paved the way for this change. This article examines how the AU has been developing the paradigm of non-indifference as the new guiding principle in conflict management on the legal and institutional level and asks whether this framework has been applied in practice. First, the paper presents the shift from non-interference to non-indifference through the transition from OAU to AU. Using a descriptive approach, it then depicts the legal and institutional framework of the AU conflict management while paying particular attention to the non-indifference paradigm. The study then analyses how this framework has been applied in practice. The focus is on three means of conflict management: diplomacy, sanctions and the deployment of peace operations. By taking the cases of Libya 2011, Central African Republic 2013/14, Burundi 2015/16 and the African Union Mission in Sudan 2004-2007, this article examines how the paradigm of non-indifference comes into effect on a practical level. T3 - Schriftenreihe Junges Afrikazentrum (JAZ) - 7 KW - Afrikanische Union KW - Nichteinmischung KW - Sicherheitspolitik KW - Konfliktmanagement KW - Friedensmission KW - non-indifference KW - African Peace and Security Architecture KW - Afrika Y1 - 2018 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-168908 SN - 2199-4315 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Fischer, Matthias A1 - Heinrichs, Harald T1 - Dimensions, dialectic, discourse. Three political perspectives on the sustainability of the German healthcare system JF - International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health N2 - This review article deals with the topic of sustainability in the German healthcare system and presents an overview of how the six articles of our research relate to one another. After introducing to the context of the research, its internal principles, and the methods applied, three perspectives are presented, each also discussed in terms of the respective literature in sustainability science and political science. The review concludes by presenting a circular model and by discussing the general limitations as well as the practical implications of our research. KW - sustainability KW - German healthcare system KW - policy KW - politics KW - polity Y1 - 2018 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-177003 VL - 15 IS - 7 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Lauth, Hans-Joachim A1 - Suda, Martha T1 - Editorial JF - Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft N2 - No abstract available. KW - editorial board KW - recapitulation KW - anniversary Y1 - 2022 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-270121 SN - 1865-2654 VL - 15 IS - 4 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Haas, Helene T1 - Nolte, Detlef und Weiffen, Brigitte (Hrsg.). 2021. Regionalism Under Stress. Europe and Latin America in Comparative Perspective JF - Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft N2 - No abstract available. KW - Nolte, Detlef und Weiffen, Brigitte / Regionalism Under Stress KW - Rezension Y1 - 2022 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-324775 SN - 1865-2646 VL - 16 IS - 1 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Lauth, Hans-Joachim A1 - Pickel, Susanne A1 - Richter, Thomas T1 - Gero Erdmann-Preis für vergleichende Area-Forschung 2022 JF - Zeitschrift für Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft N2 - No abstract available. KW - Gero Erdmann-Preis KW - Area-Forschung Y1 - 2022 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-324782 SN - 1865-2646 VL - 16 IS - 1 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Goldan, Lea A1 - Jaksztat, Steffen A1 - Gross, Christiane T1 - How does obtaining a permanent employment contract affect the job satisfaction of doctoral graduates inside and outside academia? JF - Higher Education N2 - Previous research has shown that temporary employment is negatively associated with many psychological and job-related outcomes, such as well-being, health, wages, organisational commitment, and job satisfaction. Among recent doctoral graduates, the proportion of temporary contracts is particularly high. However, research on the association between contract type and job satisfaction specifically among doctoral graduates is scarce. Therefore, whether and how obtaining permanent employment affects doctoral graduates’ job satisfaction remains a notable research gap that we intend to narrow by using panel data from a recent doctoral graduation cohort and by adopting a panel research design. We examine what effect obtaining permanent employment has on doctoral graduates’ job satisfaction and whether this effect differs by labour market sector. We use panel data that are representative of the 2014 doctoral graduation cohort in Germany and their career trajectories up to five years after graduation. We apply fixed-effects regression to approximate the within-effect of obtaining a permanent employment contract on job satisfaction. The analyses indicate that obtaining permanent employment increases doctoral graduates’ job satisfaction and that this increase is not driven by time-varying confounders. We also find that doctoral graduates’ labour market sector moderates the effect: the increase in job satisfaction is highest in the academic sector and statistically significantly different from that in the private sector. Overall, this paper offers new insights into the effect of obtaining a permanent contract on the job satisfaction of recent doctoral graduates throughout their first years after graduation, when they are often employed on temporary contracts. KW - permanent employment KW - temporary employment KW - job satisfaction KW - doctoral graduates KW - Germany Y1 - 2023 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-324766 SN - 0018-1560 VL - 86 IS - 1 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Zeigermann, Ulrike A1 - Ettelt, Stefanie T1 - Spanning the boundaries between policy, politics and science to solve wicked problems: policy pilots, deliberation fora and policy labs JF - Sustainability Science N2 - Current crises have highlighted the importance of integrating research, politics and practice to work on solutions for complex social problems. In recent years, policy deliberation fora, policy pilots and policy labs have increasingly been deployed to mobilise science to produce solutions, help create popular support and guide implementation of policies addressing major public policy problems. Yet, we know little about how these approaches manage to transcend the boundaries between research, politics and practice. By systematically comparing policy deliberation fora, policy pilots and policy labs, this paper explores their mechanisms of boundary spanning including relationship and trust building, knowledge translation and developing solutions. We situate our analysis in healthcare policy and climate change policy in Germany, two contrasting policy fields that share a perpetual and escalating sense of crisis. Our findings suggest that deliberation fora, policy pilots and policy labs address different dilemmas of policymaking, namely the idea dilemma, the implementation dilemma and the legitimacy dilemma. All three approaches reduce wicked problems to a manageable scale, by grounding them in local decision-making, reducing their scope or reducing the problem analytically. We argue that despite their ambition to modernise democratic practices, unless they are institutionally well embedded, their effects are likely to be small scale, local and temporary. KW - boundary spanning KW - policy pilot KW - deliberation KW - policy lab KW - health policy KW - climate policy Y1 - 2023 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-324806 VL - 18 IS - 2 ER - TY - JOUR A1 - Senaratne, Hansi A1 - Mühlbauer, Martin A1 - Kiefl, Ralph A1 - Cárdenas, Andrea A1 - Prathapan, Lallu A1 - Riedlinger, Torsten A1 - Biewer, Carolin A1 - Taubenböck, Hannes T1 - The Unseen — an investigative analysis of thematic and spatial coverage of news on the ongoing refugee crisis in West Africa JF - ISPRS International Journal of Geo-Information N2 - The fastest growing regional crisis is happening in West Africa today, with over 8 million people considered persons of concern. A culmination of identity politics, climate-driven disasters, and extreme poverty has led to this humanitarian crisis in the region and is exacerbated by a lack of political will and misplaced media attention. The current state of the art does not present sufficient investigations of the thematic and spatial coverage of news media of this crisis in this region. This paper studies the spatial coverage of this crisis as reported in the media, and the themes associated with those locations, based on a curated dataset. For the time frame 12 March to 15 September 2021, 2017 news articles related to the refugee crisis in West Africa were examined and manually coded based on (1) the geographical locations mentioned in each article; (2) the themes found in the articles in reference to a location (e.g., Relocation of people in Abuja). The dataset introduces a thematic dimension, as never achieved before, to the conflict-ridden areas in West Africa. A comparative analysis with UNHCR (United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees) data showed that 96.8% of refugee-related locations in West Africa were not covered by news during the considered time frame. Contrastingly, 80.4% of locations mentioned in the news do not appear in the UNHCR repository. Most news articles published during this time frame reported on Development aid or Political statements. Linear multiple regression analysis showed GDP per capita and political stability to be among the most influential determinants of news coverage. KW - West African refugee crisis KW - news media reporting KW - spatio-thematic coverage Y1 - 2023 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-313607 SN - 2220-9964 VL - 12 IS - 4 ER - TY - THES A1 - Djakowski, Paul T1 - Schulische politische Bildung in Deutschland und Polen. Eine kompetenzbasierte komparative Analyse der Leitfächer für politische Bildung anhand von Stundentafeln und Curricula allgemeinbildender staatlicher Schulformen der Primarstufe sowie der Sekundarstufen I und II im Schuljahr 2019/20 T1 - Scholastic political education in Germany and Poland. A competence-based comparative analysis of the key subjects for political education by means of the timetables and curricula of general state school types at primary, lower secondary and upper secondary level in the 2019/20 school year T1 - Szkolna edukacja obywatelska w Niemczech i w Polsce. Analiza porównawcza oparta na kompetencjach kluczowych przedmiotów edukacji obywatelskiej na bazie ramowych planów nauczania oraz podstaw programowych dla szkół państwowych podstawowych i ponadpodstawowych ogólnokształcących w roku szkolnym 2019/20 N2 - Politische Bildung übt nicht nur einen großen Einfluss auf die zukünftige Konstellation des politischen Systems aus, sondern beeinflusst ebenfalls das soziale Miteinander prägend. Damit werden entscheidende Weichen für die Entwicklung der Gesellschaft, der Nation und des Staates gestellt. Im Zuge dieses Prozesses durchläuft jeder junge Bürger einen politischen Bildungsweg an Schulen. Die Vorgaben darüber, wie schulische politische Bildung auszusehen hat und welche Kompetenzen Schüler in diesem Zusammenhang erwerben sollen, geben die Kultus- bzw. Bildungsministerien in Curricula vor, verbindlich für alle Lehrer. Durch eine komparative Analyse der Curricula kann damit eindeutig die staatlich vorgegebene politische, gesellschaftliche und soziale Richtung festgestellt werden, die junge Menschen einschlagen sollen. Welche edukativen Ziele der politischen Bildung werden verfolgt? Was sollen Schüler lernen, um mit diesen Kompetenzen die Zukunft ihres Kollektivs zu gestalten? Wo liegen die Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede zweier Staaten, in unserem Fall Deutschlands und Polens, im Hinblick auf die schulische politische Bildung? Beantwortet werden diese Fragestellungen durch das Anwenden zweier Methoden der qualitativen Sozialforschung, der komparativen Inhaltsanalyse, zum einen der strukturierenden zum anderen der induktiven. Davor erfolgt eine komparativ quantitative Untersuchung, die den Umfang der Unterrichtszeit in den Leitfächern für politische Bildung in allen Bundesländern und in Polen vergleicht, was einer empirischen Totalerhebung der komplex umfangreichen Daten entspricht. Die quantitativen Forschungsergebnisse zeigen deutliche Differenzen zwischen Deutschland und Polen, in einem der beiden Staaten wird signifikant mehr Zeit für politische Bildung im Leitfach dieser Disziplin investiert als im anderen. Anhand der qualitativen Daten ist zu erkennen, dass einerseits eine gemeinsame Grundbasis von Kompetenzen der politischen Bildung zwischen Deutschland und Polen besteht. Anderseits stechen in beiden Ländern eindeutige Unterschiede hervor, deren Ursprung zum einen historische Erfahrungen der Nationen und Staaten abbildet, zum anderen aktuell gegensätzliche politische Interessen untermauert. N2 - Political education not only exerts a major influence on the future constellation of the political system, but also has a formative influence on social interaction. It sets the course for the development of society, the nation and the state. In the course of this process, every young citizen undergoes political education at school. The curricula set out by the ministry of education and cultural affairs are binding for all teachers and specify what political education at school should look like and what skills pupils should acquire in this context. Through a comparative analysis of the curricula, the political, societal and social direction that young people should take can be clearly determined by the state. What are the goals of political education? What should pupils learn in order to use these skills to shape the future of their collective? What are the similarities and differences between two countries, in our case Germany and Poland, with regard to political education in schools? These questions are answered by applying two methods of qualitative social research, comparative content analysis, one structuring and the other inductive. This is preceded by a comparative quantitative study that compares the amount of teaching time in the key subjects for political education in all German federal states and in Poland, which corresponds to a complete empirical survey of the complex and extensive data. The quantitative research results show clear differences between Germany and Poland; in one of the two countries, significantly more time is invested in political education in the key subject of this discipline than in the other state. The qualitative data shows that, on the one hand, there is a common basis of competencies in political education between Germany and Poland. On the other hand, clear differences stand out in both countries, the origin of which reflects the historical experiences of the nations and states and underpins opposing political interests. N2 - Edukacja obywatelska nie tylko wywiera znaczący wpływ na przyszłą konstelację systemu politycznego, ale także ma formacyjne oddziaływanie na interakcje społeczne. Wyznacza ona kierunek rozwoju społeczeństwa, narodu i państwa. W trakcie tego procesu każdy młody obywatel odbywa edukację obywatelską w szkole. Wydane przez ministerstwo edukacji podstawy programowe, które są wiążące dla wszystkich nauczycieli, określają, jak powinna być realizowana edukacja obywatelska w szkole i jakie umiejętności uczniowie powinni nabyć w tym zakresie. Na podstawie analizy porównawczej szkolnych podstaw programowych można jasno określić kierunek oraz postawę polityczną i społeczną, jaką wobec państwa powinni obrać młodzi ludzie. Jakie są cele edukacji obywatelskiej? Czego uczniowie powinni się nauczyć, aby wykorzystać zdobyte kompetencje do kształtowania swojego środowiska? Jakie są podobieństwa i różnice między Niemcami a Polską w odniesieniu do szkolnej edukacji obywatelskiej? Odpowiedzi na te pytania udzielono stosując dwie metody jakościowe w obszarze badań społecznych, to znaczy porównawczą analizę treści strukturyzującej i indukcyjnej. Poprzedza je porównawcze badanie ilościowe, którego celem jest porównanie czasu przeznaczonego na nauczanie przedmiotów istotnych dla edukacji obywatelskiej we wszystkich krajach związkowych w Niemczech oraz w Polsce, co pozwala ostatecznie ukazać model działania edukacji obywatelskiej stworzony na podstawie badań empirycznych i analizy danych zastanych. Badania ilościowe wskazują na istotne różnice między Niemcami a Polską. W Niemczech więcej czasu poświęca się na edukację obywatelską w ramach głównego przedmiotu tej dyscypliny niż w Polsce. Z badań jakościowych wynika, że z jednej strony istnieje wspólna podstawa katalogu kompetencji w edukacji obywatelskiej w Niemczech i Polsce, z drugiej zaś strony w obu krajach uwidaczniają się wyraźne różnice, które odzwierciedlają historyczne doświadczenia narodów i państw oraz leżą u podstaw przeciwstawnych interesów politycznych. KW - Politische Bildung KW - Curriculum KW - Lehrplan KW - Deutschland KW - Polen KW - Schule KW - Wirtschaft KW - Schulanalyse KW - Bildung KW - Bildungsministerium KW - Gymnasium KW - Primarstufe KW - Sekundarstufe I KW - Sekundarstufe II KW - Unterricht KW - Sozialkunde KW - Gesellschaftslehre KW - Politik Y1 - 2024 U6 - http://nbn-resolving.de/urn/resolver.pl?urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-326799 SN - 978-3-95826-230-0 SN - 978-3-95826-231-7 N1 - Parallel erschienen als Druckausgabe bei Würzburg University Press, ISBN 978-3-95826-230-0, 40,90 Euro. PB - Würzburg University Press CY - Würzburg ER -