@techreport{Stanka2023,
  type      = {Working Paper},
  author    = {Stanka, Hans},
  title     = {Autonomy Reconsidered: Conceptualising a Phenomenon on the Verges of Self-Government and Self-Governance},
  issn      = {2698-2684},
  doi       = {10.25972/OPUS-32077},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-320771},
  pages     = {28},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {For decades autonomy has been utilised as a concept in various social sciences, like sociology, political science, law and philosophy. Certain concepts of autonomy have always reflected the needs of the respective disciplines that made use of the term, but also ever infringed on the interpretation of autonomy in other disciplines. Most notably, conceptualisations of international and constitutional law have found their way into bordering sciences, like political science. The result: a legal positivist view prevailing in the conceptualisations of autonomy within political and administrative sciences. As this working paper points out, this perspective does not do justice to the complex phenomenon autonomy is or may be in social and political reality. Hence, the paper argues for a differentiated concept of autonomy, splitting it into autonomy claims, actors, process, rights and powers, regimes, and their institutions. The empirical world suggests a salience of formally and informally lived types of autonomy, especially in Latin America, due to the region's indigenous population often living outside of, or within the limited reach of the state. Therefore, the paper aims to incorporate the dimension of informality - lacking in previous legal positivist approaches. Autonomy regimes could be entrenched in international, constitutional, or secondary law, or they could be tolerated by the state or seized by autonomy claimants by force. From a theoretical or conceptual perspective, the dimension of (in)formality facilitates the incorporation of autonomy into the discussion on governance and government, mostly on the local or regional level. Thus, the paper establishes autonomy regimes as a concept located at the verges of (self-)government and (self-)governance.},
  subject      = {Staat},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Kestler2023,
  author    = {Kestler, Thomas},
  title     = {Exploring the Relationship Between Social Movement Organizations and the State in Latin America},
  series = {Politics and Governance},
  volume    = {11},
  journal   = {Politics and Governance},
  number    = {2},
  issn      = {2183-2463},
  doi       = {10.17645/pag.v11i2.6383},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-321152},
  pages     = {346-356},
  year      = {2023},
  abstract  = {Under conditions of weak statehood, societal actors are supposed to assume functions usually attributed to the state. Social self-organization is expected to emerge when the state leaves important social problems unattended. Should social self-organization, therefore, be regarded as a reaction to state weakness and as compensation for state failure in the provision of basic services? Does society organize itself on its own in areas where the state is absent or ineffective? By the example of two Latin American social movements, this article aims to show that social self-organization—at least on a larger scale—is not independent of the state, but rather a result of a dynamic interaction with the state. The two examples this article explores are the middle-class Venezuelan neighborhood movement and the Argentine piquetero movement of unemployed workers. Both movements emerged as reactions to the state's failure and retreat from essential social functions and both developed into extensive and influential social actors. For that reason, they can be regarded as crucial cases for observing the patterns and conditions of social self-organization and autonomous collective action within the specific Latin American context. Despite their different backgrounds and social bases, the two cases reveal remarkable similarities. They show that the emergence and development of self-organized social groups cannot be conceived simply as a reaction to state weakness, but rather should be viewed as a dynamic interaction with the state.},
  language  = {en}
}
@techreport{Schmidt2022,
  type      = {Working Paper},
  author    = {Schmidt, Jo{\~a}o Pedro},
  title     = {Local Self-Organization and the Third Sector: Between the Philanthropic and the Associative Approaches},
  doi       = {10.25972/OPUS-28280},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-282803},
  pages     = {18},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {Civil society organizations only started to be considered a sector in the 1970s in the United States. Amitai Etzioni pioneered the use of the expression third sector, which became common in academic and political literature. However, in the United States, the non-profit sector concept gradually became more robust and was spread internationally based on the studies conducted by Lester Salomon and associated researchers. The theory built on the concept of the non-profit sector is strongly related to the North American cultural context, marked by the tradition of philanthropy and volunteerism, but with little importance given to associative and cooperative organizations. The non-profit sector is implicitly or explicitly conceived as part of the private sphere. In contrast, theoretical currents such as liberal communitarianism, the theories of cooperation, common goods, social capital, European social economy, and the Latin American solidarity economy highlight the primacy of cooperation in solving collective problems. These theories underpin the associative approach of the third sector and link it to the community, not to the market. This paper argues that the associative approach is more appropriate for international studies on the third sector and the relevance of self-organization. The third sector, i.e., the set of organizations created and maintained by civil society, is the inheritor of the millennial associative tradition, including both entities whose values are compatible with the common good and those with particularistic values, authoritarian and contrary to human rights. The third sector is not entirely virtuous, but it is a vital sector for solving great human problems.},
  subject      = {Kommunitarismus},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Stawski2021,
  author    = {Stawski, Theresa Paola},
  title     = {The state-regime-nexus: law and legal order},
  series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft},
  volume    = {15},
  journal   = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Vergleichende Politikwissenschaft},
  number    = {3},
  issn      = {1865-2654},
  doi       = {10.1007/s12286-021-00508-2},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-270118},
  pages     = {357-373},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {The aim of this paper is to illuminate the interdependent relation and connectivity between state and regime known as the state-regime-nexus. To conceptualize the reciprocal institutional relation between state and regime and to deepen the understanding of the state-regime-nexus, I focus on law and legal order as one mutual linkage between state and regime in both democratic and autocratic regimes. To do so, this conceptual paper addresses two points that are part of the same topic: the relation between state, regime and law and different variants of legal order in democratic and autocratic regimes. This creates a theoretical basis to gain more conceptual and analytical clarity in the complex realm of the state-regime-nexus.},
  language  = {en}
}
@article{Rueger2021,
  author    = {R{\"u}ger, Carolin},
  title     = {20 Jahre nach 9/11 - Wie zukunftsf{\"a}hig ist die Außenpolitik der Europ{\"a}ischen Union?},
  series = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Politikwissenschaft},
  volume    = {31},
  journal   = {Zeitschrift f{\"u}r Politikwissenschaft},
  number    = {4},
  issn      = {2366-2638},
  doi       = {10.1007/s41358-021-00293-0},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-271723},
  pages     = {617-626},
  year      = {2021},
  abstract  = {Kein Abstract verf{\"u}gbar},
  language  = {de}
}
@techreport{DangelHauensteinKroemeretal.2022,
  type      = {Working Paper},
  author    = {Dangel, Vanessa and Hauenstein, Elena and Kroemer, Maximilian and Lebok, Katharina},
  title     = {Fridays for Future: Umfassende Gerechtigkeitsvorstellungen mit konkreten Umsetzungsperspektiven? Ein L{\"a}ndervergleich zwischen Deutschland, {\"O}sterreich, Italien und Ungarn},
  issn      = {2193-9179},
  doi       = {10.25972/OPUS-29637},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-296371},
  pages     = {46},
  year      = {2022},
  abstract  = {Die Bedeutung der sozialen Bewegung Fridays for Future (FFF) ist auch nach der Covid-19-Pandemie hoch, was sich daran zeigt, dass am 23.09.2022 weltweit zahlreiche Demonstrierende beim globalen Klimastreik f{\"u}r Klimagerechtigkeit auf die Straße gingen. Aus dem großen Zuspruch f{\"u}r die Bewegung ergibt sich zum einen die Frage, was die Klimabewegung unter Gerechtigkeit versteht und zum anderen die Frage, wie sie diese politisch umsetzen m{\"o}chte. F{\"u}r die Untersuchung wird ein L{\"a}ndervergleich zwischen den FFF-Gruppen Deutschland, {\"O}sterreich, Italien und Ungarn vorgenommen. Die Autor:innen des Forschungsbeitrags f{\"u}hrten mithilfe von Interviews mit Aktivist:innen, Analysen der Websites und des relevantesten Social Media-Kanals Fallanalysen durch. Die Forschungsarbeit kommt dabei zum Ergebnis, dass die Gerechtigkeitsvorstellungen der Gruppen nahezu {\"u}bereinstimmen. Hinsichtlich der Umsetzungsperspektiven ergeben sich viele Gemeinsamkeiten bei der Netzwerkbildung und dem Agenda Setting der nationalen FFF-Gruppen. W{\"a}hrend die konkreten Forderungen der Aktivist:innen an verschiedene Akteur:innen divergieren, ist allen vier untersuchten FFF-Gruppen gemein, dass die Politik der zentrale Adressat der Forderungen ist.},
  subject      = {Soziale Bewegung},
  language  = {de}
}
@masterthesis{Marx2020,
  type      = {Bachelor Thesis},
  author    = {Marx, Philipp},
  title     = {Aus der Isolation zur Regionalmacht - Eine Analyse der Außenpolitik Burkina Fasos unter Blaise Compaor{\´e}},
  issn      = {2199-4315},
  doi       = {10.25972/OPUS-20464},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-204647},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t W{\"u}rzburg},
  pages     = {1-50},
  year      = {2020},
  abstract  = {Ganze 27 Jahre lang regierte Blaise Compaor{\´e} die westafrikanische Republik Burkina Faso. Am 15. Oktober 1987 putschte er sich mit Hilfe eines von ihm angeleiteten Staatsstreichs, bei dem sein Vorg{\"a}nger Thomas Sankara ermordet wurde, an die Macht. Die außenpolitische Ausgangssituation Burkina Fasos zu Beginn der Amtszeit Blaise Compaor{\´e}s war verheerend: Die anti-kapitalistische Außenpolitik Sankaras hatte den rohstoffarmen Binnenstaat von seinen wichtigsten politischen und wirtschaftlichen Partnern isoliert und die neue Regierung war durch den gewaltt{\"a}tigen Staatsstreich international gebrandmarkt. Trotz dieser außenpolitisch schwierigen Ausgangslage entwickelte sich Blaise Compaor{\´e} im Zeitverlauf seiner pr{\"a}sidialen Amtszeit zu der zentralen Figur der regionalen Diplomatie in Westafrika. Er konnte in den 2000er Jahren durch Konfliktmediationen im unmittelbaren geografischen Umfeld Burkina Fasos eine F{\"u}hrungsrolle in der westafrikanischen Subregion einnehmen. Die vorliegende Arbeit analysiert die außenpolitischen Entwicklungen Burkina Fasos w{\"a}hrend der pr{\"a}sidialen Amtszeit Blaise Compaor{\´e}s. Der Fokus der Analyse liegt auf der Frage, wie sich Burkina Faso unter Blaise Compaor{\´e} als Regionalmacht in Westafrika etablieren konnte. In diesem Zusammenhang werden die außenpolitischen Mittel, mit denen Blaise Compaor{\´e} die Grundsituation der politischen Isolation seines Amtsantritts in eine regionale F{\"u}hrungsrolle in Westafrika umwandeln konnte, herausgestellt.},
  subject      = {Burkina Faso},
  language  = {de}
}
@misc{Ulmer2018,
  type      = {Master Thesis},
  author    = {Ulmer, Sabine},
  title     = {Das Paradigma der non-indifference im Konfliktmanagement der Afrikanischen Union - ein hohles Konstrukt?},
  issn      = {2199-4315},
  doi       = {10.25972/OPUS-16890},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-168908},
  school      = {Universit{\"a}t W{\"u}rzburg},
  pages     = {1-37},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {Im Zuge ihrer Gr{\"u}ndung im Jahr 2002 implementierte die Afrikanische Union (AU), Nachfolgerin der Organisation f{\"u}r Afrikanische Einheit (OAU), fundamentale Reformen im Konfliktmanagement. Den Weg hierf{\"u}r ebnete der Paradigmenwechsel von der Politik der strikten non-interference hin zu non-indifference, also einer nicht gleichg{\"u}ltigen Grundhaltung der Kontinentalorganisation gegen{\"u}ber Konflikten. Dieser Beitrag untersucht, wie die AU non-indifference als neuen leitenden Grundsatz in der Konfliktbearbeitung auf rechtlicher und institutioneller Ebene ausgestaltet und fragt, ob dieser Rahmen schließlich in der Praxis Anwendung findet. Daf{\"u}r wird zu Beginn der Wandel von non-interference zu non-indifference anhand des {\"U}bergangs von OAU zu AU dargelegt. Mit einem deskriptiven Ansatz werden im Anschluss die rechtlichen und institutionellen Grundlagen des AU-Konfliktmanagements vorgestellt, in denen sich das Paradigma der non-indifference niederschl{\"a}gt. In einem weiteren Schritt wird analysiert, wie das rechtliche und institutionelle Ger{\"u}st in der Praxis angewandt wird. Drei Mitteln zur Konfliktbearbeitung gilt dabei besondere Aufmerksamkeit: Diplomatie, Sanktionierung und die Entsendung von Friedensmissionen. Wie das Paradigma der non-indifference auf praktischer Ebene zum Tragen kommt, wird anhand der F{\"a}lle Libyen 2011, Zentralafrikanische Republik 2013/14, Burundi 2015/16 und der African Union Mission in Sudan 2004-2007 gezeigt.},
  subject      = {Afrikanische Union},
  language  = {de}
}
@techreport{MuellerBrandeckBocquetPietzkoZuern2018,
  type      = {Working Paper},
  author    = {M{\"u}ller-Brandeck-Bocquet, Gisela and Pietzko, Manuel and Z{\"u}rn, Anja},
  title     = {Die Zukunft der Europ{\"a}ischen Union: Potenziale besser nutzen},
  series = {W{\"u}rzburger Jean-Monnet-Papers},
  journal   = {W{\"u}rzburger Jean-Monnet-Papers},
  edition   = {1. Auflage},
  issn      = {2625-6193},
  doi       = {10.25972/OPUS-16559},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-165590},
  pages     = {30},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {Die EU als ein Integrationsprojekt sui generis mit ihrem trans- bzw. postnationalen Ver-st{\"a}ndnis von Souver{\"a}nit{\"a}t und Staatlichkeit ist Garantin f{\"u}r den Frieden, f{\"u}r die Schaf-fung und den Erhalt von Wohlstand in Europa. Dar{\"u}ber hinaus ist sie zu einer wichti-gen Akteurin in den internationalen Beziehungen geworden, die die Weltordnung im Geiste von Multilateralit{\"a}t und Multipolarit{\"a}t mitgestaltet. Zahlreiche interne Krisen haben die EU im letzten Jahrzehnt jedoch sp{\"u}rbar belastet und mehrere interne Spannungen oder gar Bruchlinien sichtbar werden lassen, die ihre Handlungsf{\"a}higkeit in Frage stellten. Der internationale Kontext mit neuen Sicher-heitsgef{\"a}hrdungen, der neue, sich im Slogan „America First" ausdr{\"u}ckende US-Unilateralismus sowie der anstehende Brexit zwingen die EU nun, ihre zahlreichen Po-tenziale besser auszunutzen und einzusetzen. Als Potenzialthemen der EU identifiziert vorliegender Beitrag: (1) die Vertiefung und Intensivierung der Gemeinsamen Außen-, Sicherheit-, und Verteidigungspolitik, (2) die EU-Klimapolitik und die {\"U}bernahme einer Vorreiterrolle sowie (3) die Zusammenarbeit mit aufstrebenden M{\"a}chten/emerging powers. Das erste W{\"u}rzburger Jean-Monnet-Paper leuchtet die drei Potenzialthemen aus und fragt insbesondere nach den erforderlichen Weichenstellungen, um sie in Zukunft bes-ser nutzen zu k{\"o}nnen.},
  subject      = {Europ{\"a}ische Union},
  language  = {de}
}
@techreport{Greubel2018,
  type      = {Working Paper},
  author    = {Greubel, Johannes},
  title     = {Towards a Profound European Asylum System? On EU Governance during the Refugee Crisis},
  edition   = {1. Auflage},
  issn      = {2625-6193},
  doi       = {10.25972/OPUS-16879},
  url       = {http://nbn-resolving.de/urn:nbn:de:bvb:20-opus-168797},
  pages     = {43},
  year      = {2018},
  abstract  = {The refugee crisis has developed as one of the major challenges for EU governance in recent years. From 2013 onwards, the crisis determined the political agenda and public discourse within European politics. During that time, the numbers of asylum seekers reaching Europe increased dramatically, with more than one million people applying for asylum at the crisis peak in 2015. This paper deals with the efforts taken by the EU and its member states to mitigate and overcome the refugee crisis. How exactly has the EU reacted to the refugee crisis and how and to what extend have the EU and its governance changed throughout the crisis? These research questions are approached through a reconstructive analysis of the whole period of crisis. This approach provides for a comprehensive examination of the refugee crisis that includes all issues, measures and processes of the EU's policy reaction at the same time. It will be argued that due to severe shortcomings of the Dublin regulation and the Common European Asylum System, a crisis in the EU's refugee policy was already predestined. This was the case from 2013 onwards. The EU approached the crisis in three stages - neglect and non-solidarity leading to unilateral approaches by affected states, supranational short-term emergency measures during the peak of crisis and enhanced cooperation with third countries, especially with Turkey, the Western Balkans states and African states - until the crisis lost traction in 2017. Yet, the asylum system's shortcomings are still not eliminated as the lasting measures of the EU's crisis management between 2013 and 2018 mainly focused on border security and externalisation. EU governance changed towards more intergovernmental, informal and regional action. Further, the crisis led to serious rows between member states, leading to the fragmentation of the EU into two blocs. With decreasing numbers of asylum seeker in the last few years, what remains is an incomplete asylum system and a political crisis among member states.},
  subject      = {Europ{\"a}ische Union},
  language  = {en}
}