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Institute
Sonstige beteiligte Institutionen
- DFG Forschungsgruppe 2757 / Lokale Selbstregelungen im Kontext schwacher Staatlichkeit in Antike und Moderne (LoSAM) (5)
- Deutsches Archäologisches Institut (3)
- Universität Bayreuth (3)
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Dieses fünfte Jean Monnet Paper fügt alle 36 mainEUropa-Blogs, die zwischen 2017 und 2021 an der mit einem Jean Monnet Lehrstuhl ausgezeichneten Professur für Europaforschung und Internationale Beziehungen der Universität Würzburg verfasst wurden, zu einer einheitlichen Publikation zusammen. Die mainEUropa-Blogs wollten über ausgewählte Aspekte der EU-Politik aktuell, knapp und leicht verständlich informieren; damit haben sie dem EU-Geschehen der Jahre 2017 bis 2021 aus jeweils aktuellen Anlässen den Puls genommen und zu einem besseren Verständnis der EU-Politik- und Entscheidungsprozesse beigetragen.
Die Blog-Themen sind breit gefächert und bilden somit ausgewählte Ereignisse und Weichenstellungen aus der jüngeren Integrationsgeschichte ab. Die Themen reichen über klimapolitische Beschlüsse, das Ringen um den Erhalt bzw. die Wiederherstellung der Rechtstaatlichkeit in einigen EU-Mitgliedstaaten, das Endlos-Drama des Brexits, wichtige Wahlen in der EU und ausgewählten Mitgliedstaaten bis hin zu neuen Entwicklungen in der EU-Außen-, Sicherheits- und Verteidigungspolitik sowie zu den überraschend zupackenden Antworten der EU auf die Covid-19-Pandemie. Ein Blick auf die europapolitische Agenda der im Dezember 2021 angetretenen rot-grün-gelben Ampel-Bundesregierung beschließt die Reihe. Denn 2021 endete auch das die mainEUropa-Blogs tragende Jean Monnet Projekt, so dass das vorliegende fünfte Jean Monnet Paper auch das letzte sein wird.
Current crises have highlighted the importance of integrating research, politics and practice to work on solutions for complex social problems. In recent years, policy deliberation fora, policy pilots and policy labs have increasingly been deployed to mobilise science to produce solutions, help create popular support and guide implementation of policies addressing major public policy problems. Yet, we know little about how these approaches manage to transcend the boundaries between research, politics and practice. By systematically comparing policy deliberation fora, policy pilots and policy labs, this paper explores their mechanisms of boundary spanning including relationship and trust building, knowledge translation and developing solutions. We situate our analysis in healthcare policy and climate change policy in Germany, two contrasting policy fields that share a perpetual and escalating sense of crisis. Our findings suggest that deliberation fora, policy pilots and policy labs address different dilemmas of policymaking, namely the idea dilemma, the implementation dilemma and the legitimacy dilemma. All three approaches reduce wicked problems to a manageable scale, by grounding them in local decision-making, reducing their scope or reducing the problem analytically. We argue that despite their ambition to modernise democratic practices, unless they are institutionally well embedded, their effects are likely to be small scale, local and temporary.
Previous research has shown that temporary employment is negatively associated with many psychological and job-related outcomes, such as well-being, health, wages, organisational commitment, and job satisfaction. Among recent doctoral graduates, the proportion of temporary contracts is particularly high. However, research on the association between contract type and job satisfaction specifically among doctoral graduates is scarce. Therefore, whether and how obtaining permanent employment affects doctoral graduates’ job satisfaction remains a notable research gap that we intend to narrow by using panel data from a recent doctoral graduation cohort and by adopting a panel research design. We examine what effect obtaining permanent employment has on doctoral graduates’ job satisfaction and whether this effect differs by labour market sector. We use panel data that are representative of the 2014 doctoral graduation cohort in Germany and their career trajectories up to five years after graduation. We apply fixed-effects regression to approximate the within-effect of obtaining a permanent employment contract on job satisfaction. The analyses indicate that obtaining permanent employment increases doctoral graduates’ job satisfaction and that this increase is not driven by time-varying confounders. We also find that doctoral graduates’ labour market sector moderates the effect: the increase in job satisfaction is highest in the academic sector and statistically significantly different from that in the private sector. Overall, this paper offers new insights into the effect of obtaining a permanent contract on the job satisfaction of recent doctoral graduates throughout their first years after graduation, when they are often employed on temporary contracts.
Exploring and explaining diversity and patterns of stateness is crucial for understanding causes of efficiency, duration, or the collapse of a state. The new Stateness Index (StIx) contributes to the conceptual and analytical debate on stateness and state fragility. StIx is a tool for measuring stateness and state quality since 1950 that includes country-ranking through aggregated and disaggregated data to advance performance comparison and policy analysis. This article first sums up the main theoretical aspects, followed by descriptive results.
As opposed to general expectation and perception, doctoral graduates do not necessarily strive for or realize the ideal-typical academic career. In many Western countries, career opportunities and paths for doctoral graduates have diversified, and academia is not their only occupational destination, with a large proportion leaving academia to work in public service, in companies’ research and development departments, or in non-profit organizations. Against this background, this thesis examines postdoctoral careers by means of the midterm occupational destinations and professional success among doctoral graduates in the academic and non-academic labour markets in Germany. With regard to occupational destinations, I investigate where doctoral graduates are employed following graduation and how their occupational destinations can be explained. With regard to professional success, I investigate various objective and subjective success indicators related to the returns to doctoral degrees — such as earnings, management positions, and job satisfaction — and systematically include the graduates’ occupational destinations in the analyses. I also consider social inequalities regarding both research topics.
Exploring the Relationship Between Social Movement Organizations and the State in Latin America
(2023)
Under conditions of weak statehood, societal actors are supposed to assume functions usually attributed to the state. Social self-organization is expected to emerge when the state leaves important social problems unattended. Should social self-organization, therefore, be regarded as a reaction to state weakness and as compensation for state failure in the provision of basic services? Does society organize itself on its own in areas where the state is absent or ineffective? By the example of two Latin American social movements, this article aims to show that social self-organization—at least on a larger scale—is not independent of the state, but rather a result of a dynamic interaction with the state. The two examples this article explores are the middle-class Venezuelan neighborhood movement and the Argentine piquetero movement of unemployed workers. Both movements emerged as reactions to the state’s failure and retreat from essential social functions and both developed into extensive and influential social actors. For that reason, they can be regarded as crucial cases for observing the patterns and conditions of social self-organization and autonomous collective action within the specific Latin American context. Despite their different backgrounds and social bases, the two cases reveal remarkable similarities. They show that the emergence and development of self-organized social groups cannot be conceived simply as a reaction to state weakness, but rather should be viewed as a dynamic interaction with the state.
This thematic issue addresses the relationship between local self-governance and the state. Self-governance is understood as the rules that emerge in the local social and spatial context. Local self-governance of individual local groups, actors, communities, and their social and institutional arrangements are considered. From this situated collective entanglement, the interactions and relations with state authorities are analysed in the various contributions embedded in local contexts of different world regions and based on empirical social science research containing mostly interdisciplinary approaches. The nine case studies of this thematic issue reflect a variety of statehoods (weak to restrained), divers “intentionalities” of local self-governance (emancipatory and democratic, socio-economically, and socio-culturally oriented, security-driven or ecological), and their state-locality entanglements range between four forms of relationships: mutually supportive, conflictual, ambivalent, and avoiding.
For decades autonomy has been utilised as a concept in various social sciences, like sociology, political science, law and philosophy. Certain concepts of autonomy have always reflected the needs of the respective disciplines that made use of the term, but also ever infringed on the interpretation of autonomy in other disciplines. Most notably, conceptualisations of international and constitutional law have found their way into bordering sciences, like political science. The result: a legal positivist view prevailing in the conceptualisations of autonomy within political and administrative sciences. As this working paper points out, this perspective does not do justice to the complex phenomenon autonomy is or may be in social and political reality. Hence, the paper argues for a differentiated concept of autonomy, splitting it into autonomy claims, actors, process, rights and powers, regimes, and their institutions. The empirical world suggests a salience of formally and informally lived types of autonomy, especially in Latin America, due to the region’s indigenous population often living outside of, or within the limited reach of the state. Therefore, the paper aims to incorporate the dimension of informality – lacking in previous legal positivist approaches. Autonomy regimes could be entrenched in international, constitutional, or secondary law, or they could be tolerated by the state or seized by autonomy claimants by force. From a theoretical or conceptual perspective, the dimension of (in)formality facilitates the incorporation of autonomy into the discussion on governance and government, mostly on the local or regional level. Thus, the paper establishes autonomy regimes as a concept located at the verges of (self-)government and (self-)governance.
Die Bedeutung der sozialen Bewegung Fridays for Future (FFF) ist auch nach der Covid-19-Pandemie hoch, was sich daran zeigt, dass am 23.09.2022 weltweit zahlreiche Demonstrierende beim globalen Klimastreik für Klimagerechtigkeit auf die Straße gingen. Aus dem großen Zuspruch für die Bewegung ergibt sich zum einen die Frage, was die Klimabewegung unter Gerechtigkeit versteht und zum anderen die Frage, wie sie diese politisch umsetzen möchte. Für die Untersuchung wird ein Ländervergleich zwischen den FFF-Gruppen Deutschland, Österreich, Italien und Ungarn vorgenommen. Die Autor:innen des Forschungsbeitrags führten mithilfe von Interviews mit Aktivist:innen, Analysen der Websites und des relevantesten Social Media-Kanals Fallanalysen durch. Die Forschungsarbeit kommt dabei zum Ergebnis, dass die Gerechtigkeitsvorstellungen der Gruppen nahezu übereinstimmen. Hinsichtlich der Umsetzungsperspektiven ergeben sich viele Gemeinsamkeiten bei der Netzwerkbildung und dem Agenda Setting der nationalen FFF-Gruppen. Während die konkreten Forderungen der Aktivist:innen an verschiedene Akteur:innen divergieren, ist allen vier untersuchten FFF-Gruppen gemein, dass die Politik der zentrale Adressat der Forderungen ist.
Civil society organizations only started to be considered a sector in the 1970s in the United States. Amitai Etzioni pioneered the use of the expression third sector, which became common in academic and political literature. However, in the United States, the non-profit sector concept gradually became more robust and was spread internationally based on the studies conducted by Lester Salomon and associated researchers.
The theory built on the concept of the non-profit sector is strongly related to the North American cultural context, marked by the tradition of philanthropy and volunteerism, but with little importance given to associative and cooperative organizations.
The non-profit sector is implicitly or explicitly conceived as part of the private sphere. In contrast, theoretical currents such as liberal communitarianism, the theories of cooperation, common goods, social capital, European social economy, and the Latin American solidarity economy highlight the primacy of cooperation in solving collective problems. These theories underpin the associative approach of the third sector and link it to the community, not to the market.
This paper argues that the associative approach is more appropriate for international studies on the third sector and the relevance of self-organization. The third sector, i.e., the set of organizations created and maintained by civil society, is the inheritor of the millennial associative tradition, including both entities whose values are compatible with the common good and those with particularistic values, authoritarian and contrary to human rights. The third sector is not entirely virtuous, but it is a vital sector for solving great human problems.
Editorial
(2022)
The aim of this paper is to illuminate the interdependent relation and connectivity between state and regime known as the state-regime-nexus. To conceptualize the reciprocal institutional relation between state and regime and to deepen the understanding of the state-regime-nexus, I focus on law and legal order as one mutual linkage between state and regime in both democratic and autocratic regimes. To do so, this conceptual paper addresses two points that are part of the same topic: the relation between state, regime and law and different variants of legal order in democratic and autocratic regimes. This creates a theoretical basis to gain more conceptual and analytical clarity in the complex realm of the state-regime-nexus.
Is there a Decline of Democracy? Democracy measurement provides the basis for answering this question. However, there are different measurement tools based on different meanings of democracy that have been shown to vary in their concept validity. Therefore, it is relevant to examine whether the results of the different measurement tools converge or diverge with respect to a potential decline of democracy. Smolka (2021) finds a decline of democracy for new and old EU states based on standardized data from the Democracy Barometer. A re-analysis using the original data of the Democracy Barometer and the Democracy Matrix can hardly replicate these results. A comparison of further measurements shows that the instruments diverge rather than converge. I therefore conclude with some thoughts on overcoming the selection problem that arises in light of these contrasts.
Die vorliegende Arbeit gibt einen Überblick über die bisher noch kaum evaluierte Wirkung arbeitsmarktzentrierter Integrationsmaßnahmen auf die Arbeitsmarkintegration von Geflüchteten in Deutschland. Dazu wird, mit theoretischer Fundierung durch neoklassische (Humankapital- und Signaling-Theorie) sowie institutionelle (Akteurzentrierter Institutionalismus) Ansätze, eine Sekundärdatenanalyse auf Basis der ersten drei Befragungswellen der IAB-BAMF-SOEP-Befragung von Geflüchteten durchgeführt. Methodische Grundlage der Untersuchung stellt eine Fixed-Effects-Logit-Regression dar, mit welcher durch die Kontrolle unbeobachteter Heterogenität präzise Within-Schätzungen kausaler Zusammenhänge ermöglicht werden. Die Arbeit zeigt, dass sowohl die Wahrnehmung des arbeitsmarktzentrierten Beratungsangebots (Arbeitsmarktberatung der BA) als auch die Teilnahme an dem berufsbezogenen Sprachförderkurs (ESF-BAMF-Kurs) eine kausal positive Wirkung auf die Arbeitsmarktintegration aufweist. Ebenso geht aus den Analysen hervor, dass es die Wirkungsevaluation praxisorientierter Integrationsmaßnahmen (PerF, PerjuF, PerF-W und KompAS) aufgrund einer bis dato unzureichenden Datenlage zu vertagen gilt. Dennoch konnten somit in der Bundesrepublik Deutschland zwei hochwirksame arbeitsmarktzentrierte Maßnahmen identifiziert werden, mit welchen den Geflüchteten eine solide Integrationsbasis für den Arbeitsmarkt und damit auch für die Aufnahmegesellschaft bereitgestellt wird. Ein verstärkter Einsatz der Maß-nahmen sowie eine gezielte Förderung erscheinen insbesondere im Hinblick auf die mannigfaltigen Vorteile gelungener Integration anstrebenswert.
The notions self-organisation and self-regulation are at least implicitly loaded with a positive democratic connotation. The main corresponding debates on social movements, governance and civil society mostly refer to the Global North with a well-functioning state and democratic political systems. One consequence is that the less democratic and less liberal hidden side of self-organisation, seen by some critics, does not gain much attention.
After a short discussion of the main theoretical approaches, the paper presents a selection of self-organised groups depicting their different values, norms, and structural features. These examples reach from democratic groups marked by solidarity to racist violent groups that are a threat to differently minded people. The analysis of these examples leads to a set of criteria for the comparative analysis of the internal structure of self-organised groups including potential membership, in- and outward orientation, underlying basic principles of social order and types of trust with related types of decision-making. These basic elements help to understand the constitution and functioning of self-organisation, which are open to a wide range of value orientation.
The Vacaciones en Paz programme (VeP) started in 1979 shortly after Morocco illegally occupied Western Sahara, which since 1975 has been a disputed territory pending a referendum for self-determination. The programme consists of Sahrawi children being hosted during summer by Spanish families who try to raise awareness for the Sahrawi cause and temporarily alleviate the children’s living conditions. Meanwhile, approximately 170,000 Sahrawi refugees live in camps near Tindouf (Algeria) heavily dependent on humanitarian aid for their survival.
This study aimed to determine the impact of the VeP programme on the promotion of children’s rights based on the perspective of Sahrawi children. Research has shown that it serves as a temporary platform to implement some of those rights. This qualitative study is based on a literature review of the principles of the VeP programme, alongside a thematic analysis of the field data provided by Sahrawi children and teenagers. Analysis of the VeP programme demonstrated that the Convention of the Rights of the Child is not mentioned in its discourse. Notwithstanding, the results indicate an impact on the promotion of Sahrawi children’s rights. On this basis, it is recommended to implement a children’s rights-based discourse within the principles of the VeP programme, since the theoretical knowledge of their rights may be a key factor for strategic empowerment of Sahrawi children and teenagers in their representation of the Sahrawi cause.