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In 3 Maccabees, kingship as a form of rule is addressed on two levels: On the political level the question about a good king is addressed against the background of Hellenistic understandings of kingship, using the example of Ptolemy IV Philopator. This king is portrayed at the beginning of 3 Maccabees as a successful, positive, Hellenistic ruler, but one whose good rule goes off the rails. This analysis of the ideal of Hellenistic rule (cf. 3 Macc. 3:12-29; 6:24-28; 7:1-9) is then taken to a theological level: the God of Israel is portrayed as the true good king, the Soter who saves his people in their time of greatest trial (6:29, 32; 7:16). By these means the many divine epithets that are a striking feature of 3 Maccabees are incorporated into the narrative (cf. 2:2-3). Thereby 3 Maccabees not only thematises the conflict with a Hellenistic king who exploits his power in diverse ways but also focuses in a concentrated way the notion of a good (Hellenistic) king into the notion of God as king and ruler.
Although the Letter of Aristeas mentions the translation of the Jewish nomos into Greek, it is striking that worship is not a fundamental theme of this writing. Nevertheless, six passages present acts of worship, which recount worship from different perspectives: Aristeas prays to God and explains his “Greek” idea of worship (Let. Aris. 17), whereas in Let. Aris. 132-140 the high priest explains the Jewish concept of worship. Sacrifices and prayers at the temple in Jerusalem for the Ptolemaic royal house are told in Let. Aris. 45, while at the Ptolemaic court in Alexandria one of the Jewish scholars prays at the beginning of the symposium (Let. Aris. 184-186). Then the daily prayer of the Jewish scholars are recounted in Let. Aris. 305-306 and finally the Ptolemaic king performs a proskynesis before the law at the end of the letter and thereby accepts the translation (Let. Aris. 317).
No abstract available.
"...using different names, as Zeus and Dis" (Arist 16). Concepts of "God" in the letter of Aristeas
(2016)
The “Letter of Aristeas” recounts the translations of the Hebrew Bible into Greek. Probably originating in the 2nd century BCE1, the book tells a legend of how the translation of the Torah into Greek came into being. This shows that translating a holy, canonical text or the first time needed explication. Notably, the translation of the godly nomos (Arist 3) comparatively takes up little space (Arist 301–307). And it has to be noted, that “God” is seldom a topic in the Book of Aristeas. The word (ὁ) θεός “God” is found in only three contexts: in the dialogue between king Ptolemaios and Aristeas (Arist 15–21), in the dialogue of the high priest Eleazar and Aristeas (Arist 121–171; above all 128; 130–141; 155–166; 168) and in the question-and-answer-speech during the symposium at the Ptolemaic royal court between the king and the Jewish scholars (Arist 184–294).
In analysing the different statements regarding God, the frame of the narrative is of decisive importance: In the Book of Aristeas, “Aristeas” (Ἀριστέας), who writes in Greek, presents himself as the author, but he is also part of the story. Accordingly, Aristeas is the narrator, who tells the story from his own point of view, and at the same time, he is a character in the ‘world’ of the text. This Aristeas presents himself as a Greek and a Non-Jew (Arist 16; 121–171), who already wrote a book (Arist 6) and plans further publications (Arist 322). In the double-role as narrator of the text and protagonist in the text, Aristeas has to be differentiated from the (real) writer/author of the Book of Aristeas, who possibly was Jewish. That means that the (real, probably Jewish) author of the Book of Aristeas presents (or invents) “Aristeas” and gives him the role of the narrator of his text.3 The author portrays Aristeas as a Greek, non-Jewish character, who is a servant of the royal court. This differentiation between narrator and writer/author is of crucial importance for the question of the different conceptions of God in the Book of Aristeas.
Starting with a terminological and phenomenological perspective on the question “What is an emotion?”, particularly as developed by Aaron Ben Zeʾev , the kiling scene in the book of Judith (Jdt 12:10–13:9 is analysed. This crucial scene in the book’s plot reports the intense emotions of Holofernes but nothing is said about any emotions on the part of of Judith. The only emotional glimpse occurs in Judith’s short prayers in the killing scene. The highly emotional Holofernes and the unemotional Judith together reveal that Holofernes is already made “headless” by his own emotions, whereas the unemotional Judith, unencumbered by emotions, is able to behead the “headless” Holofernes.
Die Juditerzählung und das Danielbuch sind – auf den ersten Blick – so unterschiedliche Schriften, dass eine Beziehung zwischen ihnen anzunehmen wenig plausibel erscheint: auf der einen Seite die Juditerzählung, eine "sex and crime"-Geschichte, die schillernd und ambivalent die Geschichte der Bedrohung und Rettung Israels durch die schöne Judit mit einem Happy End erzählt; auf der anderen Seite eine gewachsene, mehrsprachige, apokalyptische Schrift mit brutalen Ermordungsversuchen, wundersamen Rettungen und verstörenden Visionsschilderungen.
Following the narration of a rescue from a hopeless situation the book of Judith ends with a hymnically fashioned song, which combines the gratitude for the rescue with a review on what occurred. Remarkably, this narratological important part of the narrative ends with a phrasing which not only differs from the characteristic style of the final speech but also cites the end of the book of Isaiah (66:24). This is the point of departure for the considerations. They are going to trace the meaning and literary function of this foreign imagery from Isaiah 66:24 in the narrative of Judith.
No abstract available.
" ... der Schuld, Vergehen und Sünde vergibt" (Ex 34,7): Sünde und Schuld in der Hebräischen Bibel
(2012)
No abstract available.
Antiochus Epiphanes und der epiphane Gott. Gefühle, Emotionen und Affekte im Zweiten Makkabäerbuch
(2012)
Das Zweite Makkabäerbuch ist eine absichtsvoll komponierte Erzählung, die ihr Erzählinteresse in der Vorrede (2Makk 2,19–32) und im Epilog (2Makk 15,37–39) benennt. Die Erzählung soll – so die Selbstauskunft der Erzählung im Vorwort – den Leserinnen und Lesern zur Psnchagogia, „Seelenführung, Vergnügung, Lockung“, zur eukopia, „Leichtigkeit“ sowie zur opheleia, „Vorteil, Nutzen, nützlichen Kenntnis“ dienen (2Makk 2,25). Damit präsentiert sich das Zweite Makkabäerbuch als eine absichtsvolle literarische Erzählung, die ganz bewusst bei den Leserinnen und Lesern emotionale Wirkung, Gefühle und Affekte hervorrufen will.
Dieses Ziel wird gleich zu Beginn der Erzählung auf der Kommunikationsebene zwischen Erzählstimme und Lesenden benannt. Das auf diese Weise offengelegte Vorhaben der Erzählung lässt zunächst fragen, wie die emotionale Wirkung bei den Leserinnen und Lesern erzielt werden soll. Darüber hinaus ist die viel grundlegendere Frage zu stellen, warum es für das Zweite Makkabäerbuch von so zentralem Interesse ist, Emotionen bei den Rezipienten hervorzurufen.
Als konfessionell gebundenes Unterrichtsfach (mit Notengebung) an staatlichen Schulen will der Religionsunterricht einen Vermittlungsprozess gestalten, in dem - abgestimmt auf Alter und Entwicklungsstand der Schülerinnen und Schüler - religiöses Lernen stattfindet, das kirchlicher Lehre und wissenschaftlicher Reflexion verpflichtet ist. Das Alte Testament ist als eine unter den anderen theologischen Disziplinen in dieses Spannungsfeld eingebunden. Exemplarisch soll für die alttestamentliche Exegese der Transfer von der Fachwissenschaft zur Fachdidaktik erörtert werden. In diesem Fall richtet sich somit die Frage, was Kinder und Jugendliche im Religionsunterricht im Umgang mit dem Alten Testament lernen sollen, nicht nur an die Religionspädagogik, sondern auch an die Bibelwissenschaften.
No abstract available