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Deadwood provides a variety of habitats for saproxylic beetles. Whereas the understanding of the drivers promoting saproxylic beetle diversity has improved, the process of deadwood colonisation and beetle's potential to trace resources is poorly understood. However, the mechanisms facilitating deadwood detection by saproxylic beetles appears to be essential for survival, as deadwood is usually scattered in time and space.
To investigate whether saproxylic beetles distinguish before their arrival on potential hosts between alive trees and deadwood (lying, stumps, standing), deadwood arrangement (aggregated, distributed) and different heights on standing resources (bottom = 0.5 m, middle = 4–5 m, top = 7.30–11.60 m), we sampled saproxylic beetles with sticky traps in a deadwood experiment.
We found on average 67% higher abundance, 100% higher species numbers and 50–130% higher species diversity of colonising saproxylic beetles consistently for all deadwood types compared to alive trees with a distinct community composition on lying deadwood compared to the other resource types. Aggregated deadwood arrangement, which is associated with higher sun‐exposure, had a positive effect on species richness. The abundance, species number and diversity, was significantly higher for standing deadwood and alive trees at the bottom section of tree trunks. In contrast to living trees, however, the vertical position had an additional effect on the community composition on standing deadwood.
Our results indicate that saproxylic beetles are attracted to potential deadwood habitats and actively select specific trunk sections before arriving on potential hosts. Furthermore, this study highlights the importance of sun‐exposed resources for species richness in saproxylic beetles.
Anticipation of one's own actions' effects drives goal-directed behavior. In multitasking environments, the learning of stable action-effect associations seems particularly important, because establishing reliable response-effect associations for multiple competing tasks may help to differentiate between these tasks and thereby improve task-switching performance. Action-effects not only have cognitive, but also motivational aspects and often the consequences of our actions are hedonically marked. Thus, the anticipated hedonic quality of action-effects may also become part of the task representation, and positive and negative affect may distinctly modulate task-switching performance. We report a pre-registered experiment (N = 120) designed to examine how positive, negative, and neutral valence of action-effects impact performance in a cued task-switching paradigm. Pictures from the IAPS database were used to manipulate the action-effects' valence. Affective valence determined reaction times: participants who learned positive or negative action-effects responded faster than participants in the control condition. In particular, task-switch trials were faster in both conditions than in the control condition, while task-repetition trials were comparable across valence conditions. Our results further suggest that performance improvements in the positive and negative valence conditions occurred for different reasons. Negative action-effects expedited responses specifically for the task that produced the unpleasant outcome, while positive affect more generally promoted performance of both tasks. These findings point toward distinct roles of positive and negative valence of action-effects in regulating multitasking performance.
Although most protective behaviors related to the COVID‐19 pandemic come with personal costs, they will produce the largest benefit if everybody cooperates. This study explores two interacting factors that drive cooperation in this tension between private and collective interests. A preregistered experiment (N = 299) examined (a) how the quality of the relation among interacting partners (social proximity), and (b) how focusing on the risk of self‐infection versus onward transmission affected intentions to engage in protective behaviors. The results suggested that risk focus was an important moderator of the relation between social proximity and protection intentions. Specifically, participants were more willing to accept the risk of self‐infection from close others than from strangers, resulting in less caution toward a friend than toward a distant other. However, when onward transmission was the primary concern, participants were more reluctant to effect transmission to close others, resulting in more caution toward friends than strangers. These findings inform the debate about effective nonclinical measures against the pandemic. Practical implications for risk communication are discussed.
These pre-registered studies shed light on the cues that individuals use to identify rich people. In two studies (N = 598), we first developed a factor-analytical model that describes the content and the mental structure of 24 wealth cues. A third within-subject study (N = 89) then assessed the perception of rich subgroups based on this model of wealth cues. Participants evaluated the extent to which the wealth cues applied to two distinct subgroups of rich people. The results show: German and US-American participants think that one can identify rich people based on the same set of cues which can be grouped along the following dimensions: luxury consumption, expensive hobbies, spontaneous spending, greedy behavior, charismatic behavior, self-presentation, and specific possessions. However, Germans and US-Americans relied on these cues to different degrees to diagnose wealth in others. Moreover, we found evidence for subgroup-specific wealth cue profiles insofar as target individuals who acquired their wealth via internal (e.g., hard work) compared to external means (e.g., lottery winners) were evaluated differently on these wealth cues, presumably because of their perceived differences in valence and competence. Together, this research provides new insights in the cognitive representation of the latent construct of wealth. Practical implications for research on the perception of affluence, and implications for political decision makers, are discussed in the last section.