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English language is being taught as a second foreign language in India. For most of the learners in India, English still a foreign language or target language. The study of this language is important to fulfill different kinds of academic and professional requirements. Still, there is a big gulf between demand and supply for which the failure of the system is largely responsible as its main emphasis on to adherence to the foreign curriculum. The government tries to impose this curriculum on English teachers, but, in fact, the curriculum is outdated.
In the wake of the general tendency towards slow cinema which has been evolving in Mexican cinema, cinematographic devices have gained importance not only with regard to the construction of a persuasive narrative but also in terms of the aesthetic constitution of the movie itself. Not only is this observation evident in the absence of camera movements but also in the semiotic depth of mise en scène resulting from this circumstance. Natalia Almada’s movie Todo lo demás (2016) provides an impressive example of both the repercussions of this technique in the representation of loneliness as well as the suggestive power of the scenographical composition. Hence, the ensuing analysis of those scenes referring to water is to elucidate the semiotics of mise en scène and its influence on the representation of the main character and the repetitive routine constricting her freedom.
This research paper concentrates on the analysis of the aphoristic potential of G. W. Bush’s presidential rhetoric. Aphorisms are the most ancient laconic forms of expressing original and completed thoughts which reveal the peculiarity of their authors’ world perception and worldview. From this perspective, these units can serve as the means of values codification. Repeatability and widespread use of aphorisms in various communications contribute to transmitting the values and ideas between the generations.
Political aphorisms, which are a combination of aphoristic expressions from political communication and discourse, play an important role in this process. The authors of these expressions are not only politicians, but also philosophers, historians, writers, celebrities of different nationalities and generations. Presidential rhetoric is an integral and significant part of political discourse.
The use of aphorisms as the means of codification of national and common human values in President G. W. Bush’s formal addresses and speeches is intentional. It makes them concise and original, influential and convincing. Aphoristic expressions denoting common human values show the ideas and beliefs of their authors, as well as the politician, about life, justice, equality, freedom, faith, family. Aphorisms defining national values become the means of updating concepts of democracy, unity and diversity, freedom and security, success, and opportunity to fulfill one’s potential in American society. The distinctive feature of G.W. Bush’s rhetoric is the frequent use of aphorisms whose authors are the Founding Fathers.
Bis heute beschäftigt die Aufarbeitung des Algerienkrieges (1954-1962) die französische Gesellschaft. Im Rahmen der Neuesten Geschichte und französischen Kulturwissenschaft thematisiert die Autorin die Erinnerungsproblematik dieses Krieges – und insbesondere die der Folter von Seiten der französischen Kolonialmacht. Die Arbeit umfasst eine historische, politische und kulturelle Analyse der französischen Gesellschaft und ihrer Einstellungen gegenüber den Folterverbrechen, die von der französischen Armee an Widerstandskämpfern und der algerischen Zivilbevölkerung verübt worden sind. Wie positionieren sich Medien und Bevölkerung, algerische wie französische Zeitzeugen, Politik, Armee und Wissenschaft heute zu den illegalen Gewaltakten? Hierbei werden auch das Konzept der Oral History sowie der geschichtswissenschaftliche Anspruch einer "historischen Objektivität" diskutiert. Daraus ergibt sich für die Autorin die Antwort auf die weiterreichende Forschungsfrage nach der wissenschaftlichen Positionierung dieses historischen Ereignisses: Gerade in Fragen der Gewalt und der Aussöhnung zwischen antagonistischen (Erinnerungs-)Gruppen bilden die Disziplinen Geschichts- und Kulturwissenschaft eine wichtige Schnittstelle.
With her famous suggestion to «give her [the woman] a room of her own and five hundred a year, let her speak her mind» from 1929, Virginia Woolf verbalized a core issue of female
writing by hinting at the socioeconomic circumstances and domestic obligations of most women – valid at her times, but still today. Both Elena Ferrante and Annie Ernaux discuss, in their respective novels, the topics of being women in the particular sociocultural landscape (in Italy and, respectively, in France) after World War II and up to these days, the themes of marriage and motherhood, employment and especially (female) authorship. This article aims to show in a close reading of both Ferrante and Ernaux that the two writers play with the literary form of the (auto-)biography on a diegetic, but also extradiegetic level, while formulating at the same time a collective work that embraces the experience of womanhood but circumvents the hazard of a merely subjective and sensitive writing, as female writing has sometimes been claimed to be.
This article explores the construction of Catalan masculinity and Catalan identity in literature on the Spanish-Moroccan War of 1859/60. During the war, an immense amount of patriotic literature in Catalan language was published in Catalonia, in which the authors glorified the deeds of the Catalan general Joan Prim i Prats and of the Catalan volunteers who fought in the war. The article aims to illustrate, on the basis of the analysis of poems, theatre plays, patriotic songs, reports and chronicles written by Catalan authors, the importance of the First Spanish-Moroccan War for the development of Catalan identity. It attempts as well to demonstrate that the authors used the literature about the war to diffuse a specific Catalan ideal of masculinity and to stylize General Prim and the volunteers into national heroes, who embodied the strength of the Catalan cultural nation, since the Catalan community needed new idols after a long time of political and cultural decline caused by the centralist policies of the Spanish state. The Catalan ideal of masculinity was utilized to differentiate the Catalans from the other Spaniards whose masculinity was considered to be in decadence by the other European nations.
The paper focuses on digital discourse. This is a speech-intellectual product of innovative information technologies, a phenomenon, which needs further interdisciplinary and linguistic interpretation. The English-language digital discourse shows how linguistic verbal communication is mediated by digits and to what extent these Signum and Verbum unity reigns over the world.
The paper analyzes the ways and methods of integrated and differential use of verbal and non-verbal sign systems in the English language as compared to programming languages, considering the types of synchronous changes in the socio-cultural dimension of the sign. This research describes the processes of signs transformation during their functioning in programming languages and in the English language, common and distinctive features in the arrangement of grammatical, lexical-semantic, and graphic means of (natural) English and (artificial) programming languages in their projection on different modes of communication in the system Human ↔ Machine.
Programming languages are constituted by verbal means of the English language with additional use of its own semiotic resources, which testifies to their integrative linguistic and mathematical nature. The specific representation of ElDD conveys its reciprocal nature when the English language using its own tools combines them with the elements of the programming languages thus creating an effective toolkit for self-process
Der Fokus dieser Studie liegt auf dem punktuellen Ausleuchten themenrelevanter Aspekte des deutsch-französischen Krieges von 1870/71. Somit ist die Einhaltung einer chronologischen Abfolge der Kriegsgenese, wie sie gängigen Publikationen zu eigen ist, nicht gegeben.
Es sollen vielmehr der Einfluss und die Bedeutung jener kulturell-mentaler und soziomorpher Prozesse recherchiert werden, die sich auf den Fortgang »dieses von vornherein verlorenen Krieges« (»une guerre perdue d’avance«) beziehen und welche in der traditionellen Kriegsliteratur kaum gewichtet bzw. nur marginal gestreift werden.
Die Arbeit wird dokumentiert durch eine Vielzahl von Quellen aus der Feder zeitgenössischer Kriegsteilnehmer, Historiker, Politiker und Literaten, von Theodor Fontane bis Léon Gambetta, von Baron de la Belle-Croix bis Napoleon III., von Hans v. Kretschman bis Alfred Duquet, von Karl Tanera bis General Chancy.
Zudem konnten in die Arbeit zusätzlich Analysen und Erkenntnisse gegenwärtiger Historiker und Militärs mit einbezogen werden, welche, unisono und in aller Offenheit, die eigentlichen Gründe der französischen Niederlage von 1870/71 darlegen. Des Weiteren wird sichtbar, weshalb die französische Nation nicht fähig und willens war, vom Elfenbeinturm ihrer Selbstüberschätzung in die Niederungen der Realität hinabzusteigen. Hier seien Autoren wie Audouin-Rouzeau, Henninger, Battesti, Frèrejean, David, Guelton, Serman, Bernède oder Dreyfus genannt.
Letztendlich runden Besuche des Verfassers an den Kriegsschauplätzen sowie Gespräche mit Menschen aus der Region das Bild des Kriegsgeschehens ab, wobei deren Rekurs auf tradierte Erinnerungen an diesen nahezu 150 Jahre zurückliegenden Krieg in Erstaunen versetzt.
Neben der Gliederung in Kapitel ist diese Arbeit in 4 übergeordnete Themengebiete eingeteilt: Der erste, größte Teil (Kapitel 1–22) behandelt das Kriegsgeschehen im Allgemeinen, während sich der zweite Teil (Kapitel 23–24) explizit der Rolle der zeitgenössischen Medien und der dritte Teil (Kapitel 25–27) der Resonanz des Kriegs in der zeitgenössischen Literatur widmen. Der vierte Teil ist als separater Abbildungsteil konzipiert, der die vorherigen Teile ergänzt.
This article deals with discursive and argumentative strategies used by Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro to bring science in discredit during the 2020’s COVID-19-pandemic. Based on official statements and Tweets launched over the crisis the Discourse-Historical Approach is applied to make strategies brought into play by Bolsonaro visible. While the President declares scientific advice such as distancing and quarantine as ineffective, he recommends the use of hydroxychloroquine as well as old fashioned prayers for staying safe and healthy. He evokes that there are «fake news» and «partners of paralysis», to which he responds by demasking and bringing the one and only truth towards «the people». The analysis points out that Bolsonaro is downplaying the virus and the risk of transmission and puts the economy ahead of health. His supporters as a consequence tend to ignore the
WHO recommendations how to behave during the pandemic.
In the present chapter, an attempt has been made to discuss the need to create Zambian English to address English language variations in Zambia. No language in the world can remain the same after interacting with other languages. The present chapter intends to propose and support the idea of using ‘Zambian English’ for both formal and informal business. Such a measure would create the communicative competence that the majority of the Zambians have always longed for. In Zambia, the purpose of using English language office is to deliberate day to day’s business. On the contrary, this has been found to be an obstacle to those who lack principles of command in the language usage, but are able to construct sentences for communicative purposes yet are deprived in international interactions. The views expressed in this chapter are those of the language experts who were engaged in a conversation with regard to the possibility of creating what would be known as Zambian English (ZamEnglish).
The paper analyses specific characteristics of language that influence the development of culture and societies. The problem of the connection between language and culture has occupied the minds of many famous scientists: some believe that language is a part of the culture as a whole; others think that language is only a form of cultural expression. Undoubtedly, language constitutes a vital component of the cultural background underlying social development. Language is an essential means of communication and interaction. However, language is at the same time sovereign about culture as a whole and can be separate from culture or compared to culture as an equal element (i.e., that language is neither a form nor a component of culture).
To this day, Lorca’s most popular plays, the Trilogía dramática de la tierra española, are considered to be among the most widely read texts of twentieth century Spanish literature. By combining elements from Antiquity with classic and modern features of Spanish theatre and placing them in new functional contexts, the author succeeds in creating an innovative theatre of sociocritical nature in times of political repression. This article analyses several of these innovations and aims to demonstrate the influence Lorca’s Tragedias rurales still have on today’s literature and culture. Simon Stone’s play Yerma (2017) and the Netflix series Las Chicas del Cable (2017-2020) are approached here with this purpose.
To reopen educational institutions and return to the classroom, we all need to modify how we act to successfully face the challenges of the new normal resulting from the COVID-19 pandemic and entailing our insights into and the after-effects of the pandemic. More specifically, the new normal might encompass online education we are getting used to during the pandemic and the age-old onsite education as well. Thoughtfully integrated, online and onsite learning combine to create blended learning. However, the pertinent literature reveals that English as a foreign language (EFL) students and teachers differently perceive and react to blended learning in diverse contexts. This study was designed to explore student and teacher perceptions of and reactions to blended learning in the Department of English, Jahangirnagar University in the new normal. Fifty undergraduates of EFL and eight teachers of the department participated in the study. To collect data from them, the Student Questionnaire and the Teacher Questionnaire were used. And the data were processed by applying the SPSS programme module. The findings revealed that the majority of the students and the teachers had mostly positive perceptions of blended learning, although the former did not have sufficient exposure to online learning and the latter lacked adequate insights into online teaching. Further, both the students and the teachers expressed mostly positive reactions to blended learning in the new normal, though the former deemed online examinations inadequately smooth and reliable, and the latter had insufficient experience of online instruction and assessment. The study categorically recommends reforming the curriculum, adopting relevant instructional strategies, developing suitable materials, customizing the assessment, integrating and installing technology, training the teachers, upskilling the students for blended learning, improving the infrastructure, and adjusting the management.
No abstract available.
In demokratischen Regierungssystemen sind die Minister als Agenten der exekutiven Staatsgewalt gegenüber dem Parlament für ihre Handlungen verantwortlich. Die ministerielle Fragestunde ist hierbei ein gewichtiges Kontollinstrument und Gegenstand der vorliegenden kontrastiven Metaphernanalyse unter spezieller Berücksichtigung von pragmatischen und kulturellen Gesichtspunkten. Neben einer Diskussion und Kontextualisierung kognitiver Metapherntheorien wird vor allem im Rahmen einer Korpusanalyse festgestellt, welche Quelldomänen in diesem Diskursgenre quantitativ am häufigsten und qualitativ am bedeutsamsten für das zum Zeitpunkt der globalen Wirtschafts- und Finanzkrise relevante Makrotopik der Wirtschaftsrezession auftreten; außerdem welche interkulturellen Variationen und Konventionaliäten in den konzeptuellen Metaphern bestehen.
The present study focuses on Marion Maréchal-Le Pen’s self-representation on social media. Despite her youth, the niece of the party’s chairwoman and granddaughter of its founder is a distinguished member of the French radical right-wing populist and nationalist party Front National. The corpus-based analysis of her digital presence on Twitter, Instagram and Facebook on which this paper is based shows a specific use of linguistic and multimodal resources as a means of strategic framing of political content. In particular, an analysis of Maréchal-Le Pen’s use of searchable hashtags and @mentions referring to different political and non-political actors reveals it as a strategy of polarization between a constructed us and a negatively connoted them.
Arrogante und nüchterne Briten, ein Bundespräsident, der nicht deutsch sein kann, da er den Briten sympathisch ist oder militante Deutsche, die gemocht werden wollen - so schreiben die überregionalen britischen und westdeutschen Tageszeitungen während einer der brisantesten Krisen des Kalten Krieges übereinander. Die zweite Berlin-Krise (1958 bis 62) repräsentiert dabei eine schicksalhafte Zeit sowohl für die Bundesrepublik als auch für das Vereinigte Königreich. Themen wie die Suche nach einer gemeinsamen westlichen Strategie als Antwort auf sowjetische Ultimaten und die Teilung Deutschlands, die ambivalente britische Außenpolitik gegenüber Berlin, die deutsch-französischen Annäherungen und die Einbindung des Vereinigten Königreiches in die kontinentaleuropäische Wirtschaft dominieren die Pressediskurse beider Nationen.
Diese Studie untersucht die diskursiven Mittel, mit denen die überregionale Presse außenpolitische Ereignisse in den eigenen nationalen Referenzrahmen integriert, und welche Rolle dabei textuelle Stereotype und Charakterisierungen spielen. Mithilfe der Methode der Kritischen Diskursanalyse will diese Arbeit anhand qualitativer und quantitativer Darstellungen jeweils diskursive Mechanismen der westdeutschen und britischen Tagespresse aufzeigen und damit ein kleines Stückchen Licht in die mediale Tradierung eines komplexen deutsch-britischen Verhältnisses bringen.