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Politische Bildung übt nicht nur einen großen Einfluss auf die zukünftige Konstellation des politischen Systems aus, sondern beeinflusst ebenfalls das soziale Miteinander prägend. Damit werden entscheidende Weichen für die Entwicklung der Gesellschaft, der Nation und des Staates gestellt. Im Zuge dieses Prozesses durchläuft jeder junge Bürger einen politischen Bildungsweg an Schulen. Die Vorgaben darüber, wie schulische politische Bildung auszusehen hat und welche Kompetenzen Schüler in diesem Zusammenhang erwerben sollen, geben die Kultus- bzw. Bildungsministerien in Curricula vor, verbindlich für alle Lehrer. Durch eine komparative Analyse der Curricula kann damit eindeutig die staatlich vorgegebene politische, gesellschaftliche und soziale Richtung festgestellt werden, die junge Menschen einschlagen sollen. Welche edukativen Ziele der politischen Bildung werden verfolgt? Was sollen Schüler lernen, um mit diesen Kompetenzen die Zukunft ihres Kollektivs zu gestalten? Wo liegen die Gemeinsamkeiten und Unterschiede zweier Staaten, in unserem Fall Deutschlands und Polens, im Hinblick auf die schulische politische Bildung? Beantwortet werden diese Fragestellungen durch das Anwenden zweier Methoden der qualitativen Sozialforschung, der komparativen Inhaltsanalyse, zum einen der strukturierenden zum anderen der induktiven. Davor erfolgt eine komparativ quantitative Untersuchung, die den Umfang der Unterrichtszeit in den Leitfächern für politische Bildung in allen Bundesländern und in Polen vergleicht, was einer empirischen Totalerhebung der komplex umfangreichen Daten entspricht. Die quantitativen Forschungsergebnisse zeigen deutliche Differenzen zwischen Deutschland und Polen, in einem der beiden Staaten wird signifikant mehr Zeit für politische Bildung im Leitfach dieser Disziplin investiert als im anderen. Anhand der qualitativen Daten ist zu erkennen, dass einerseits eine gemeinsame Grundbasis von Kompetenzen der politischen Bildung zwischen Deutschland und Polen besteht. Anderseits stechen in beiden Ländern eindeutige Unterschiede hervor, deren Ursprung zum einen historische Erfahrungen der Nationen und Staaten abbildet, zum anderen aktuell gegensätzliche politische Interessen untermauert.
This dissertation consists of three contributions. Each addresses one specific aspect of intergenerational income mobility and is intended to be a stand-alone analysis. All chapters use comparable data for Germany and the United States to conduct country comparisons. As there are usually a large number of studies available for the United States, this approach is useful for comparing the empirical results to the existing literature.
The first part conducts a direct country comparison of the structure and extent of intergenerational income mobility in Germany and the United States. In line with existing results, the estimated intergenerational income mobility of 0.49 in the United States is significantly higher than that of 0.31 in Germany. While the results for the intergenerational rank mobility are relatively similar, the level of intergenerational income share mobility is higher in the United States than in Germany. There are no significant indications of a nonlinear run of intergenerational income elasticity. A final decomposition of intergenerational income inequality shows both greater income mobility and stronger progressive income growth for Germany compared to the United States. Overall, no clear ranking of the two countries can be identified. To conclude, several economic policy recommendations to increase intergenerational income mobility in Germany are discussed.
The second part examines the transmission channels of intergenerational income persistence in Germany and the United States. In principle, there are two ways in which well-off families may influence the adult incomes of their children: first through direct investments in their children's human capital (investment effect ), and second through the indirect transmission of human capital from parents to children (endowment effect ). In order to disentangle these two effects, a descriptive as well as a structural decomposition method are utilized. The results suggest that the investment effect and the endowment effect each account for approximately half of the estimated intergenerational income elasticity in Germany, while the investment effect is substantially more influential in the United States with a share of around 70 percent. With regard to economic policy, these results imply that equality of opportunity for children born to poor parents cannot be reached by the supply of financial means alone. Conversely, an efficient policy must additionally substitute for the missing direct transmission of human capital within socio-economically weak families.
The third part explicitly focuses on the intergenerational income mobility among daughters. The restriction to men is commonly made in the empirical literature due to women‘s lower labor market participation. While most men work full-time, the majority of (married) women still work only part-time or not at all. Especially with the occurrence of assortative mating, daughters from well-off families are likely to marry rich men and might decide to reduce their labor supply as a result. Thus, the individual labor income of a daughter might not be a good indicator for her actual economic status. The baseline regression analysis shows a higher intergenerational income elasticity in Germany and a lower intergenerational income elasticity in the United States for women as compared to men. However, a separation by marital status reveals that in both countries unmarried women exhibit a higher intergenerational income elasticity than unmarried men, while married women feature a lower intergenerational income elasticity than married men. The reason for the lower mobility of unmarried women turns out to be a stronger human capital transmission from fathers to daughters than to sons. The higher mobility of married women is driven by a weaker human capital transmission and a higher labor supply elasticity with respect to spousal income for women as compared to men. In order to further study the effects of assortative mating, the subsample of married children is analyzed by different types of income. It shows that the estimated intergenerational income elasticity of children's household incomes is even higher than that of their individual incomes. This can be seen as an indication for strong assortative mating. If household income is interpreted as a measure of children‘s actual economic welfare, there are barely any differences between sons and daughters. The intergenerational income elasticity of spousal income with respect to parental income is again relatively high, which in turn supports the hypothesis of strong assortative mating. The elasticity of the sons-in-law with respect to their fathers-in-law in Germany is even higher than that of the sons with respect to their own fathers.
Chapter 2 concerns the audit market for German credit institutions (excluding savings banks and cooperative banks), and the presented study allows conclusions to be drawn regarding recent concentration levels of this particular audit market. The last reliable (statistical) studies concerning the audit market for German credit institutions were published several years ago (Grothe 2005; Lenz 1996b; Lenz 1997; Lenz 1998). This is surprising because parts of the new regulations concerning the audit market for public-interest entities—which should also apply to credit institutions (European Commission 2006c)—in Europe would require analyses of the audit market concentration to be performed on a regular basis. Therefore, this study begins to fill this research gap, and it reveals that the audit market for German credit institutions was highly concentrated (market leadership: KPMG AG WPG and PricewaterhouseCoopers AG WPG) in 2006 and 2010. Moreover, the findings also highlight that between these years, neither a notable trend toward higher levels of concentration nor a deconcentration process was evident. Finally, it is illustrated that the regulatory requirements for publishing audit fees and the corresponding right to claim exemption (§§ 285 Sentence 1 No. 17, 314 (1) No. 9 Commercial Code) do not allow the calculation of concentration figures that cover the entire audit market for credit institutions. Thus, it will continue to be necessary to use surrogates for audit fees, and analyses reveal that the arithmetic mean of the total business volume (or total assets) of a credit institution and its square root is a very good surrogate for calculating concentration measures based on audit fees.
Chapter 3 seeks to determine whether public oversight of public-interest entities (PIEs) increases audit fees specifically in the financial industry, which is already a highly regulated industry characterized by intense supervision. To answer this question, a sample of 573 German credit institutions is examined over the 2009–2011 period, as not all credit institutions were considered PIEs in Germany (until very recently). First, the results show that a credit institution’s business risk is related to audit fees. In addition, the findings reveal not only that PIE credit institutions pay statistically significantly higher audit fees but also that this effect is economically substantial (representing an audit fee increase of 31.38%). Finally, there are several indications that the relationship between (other) credit institutions’ business risks and audit fees is greater for PIE credit institutions.
Chapter 4 examines the association between the results of auditor ratification votes and perceived external financial reporting quality. As has been recently remarked by Wei et al. (2015), far too little is known about shareholders’ interests in and perceptions of the election, approval or ratification of auditors. Although auditor ratification by shareholders is normally a routine, non-binding action and the voting ratios are in the range of 95% or higher, the SEC emphasized the importance of this process by amending the disclosure requirements for such voting results in 2010 (SEC 2009; SEC 2010). This study demonstrates that the results of auditor ratification votes are associated with market reactions to earnings surprises (SEC registrants; 2010 to 2013). Moreover, there are moderate indications that this effect may be positively related to higher levels of information asymmetry between managers and shareholders, that such voting results contain incremental informational content beyond that of other publicly available audit-related information, and that the time lag between the ratification of an auditor and the earnings announcement influences the vote’s importance. Finally, the study sheds additional light on an overlooked audit-related topic (e.g., Dao et al. 2012; Hermanson et al. 2009; Krishnan and Ye 2005; Sainty et al. 2002), and illustrates its relation to accounting. More importantly, the provided evidence indicates that disclosure of the results of auditor ratification votes might benefit (prospective) shareholders.
Chapter 5 addresses the question of whether and when shareholders may have a negative perception of an auditor’s economic dependence on the client. The results for a Big 4 client sample in the U.S. (2010 to 2014) show that the economic importance of the client—measured at the audit office-level—is negatively associated with shareholders’ perceptions of external financial reporting quality—measured in terms of the earnings response coefficient and the ex ante cost of equity capital—and, therefore, is perceived as a threat to auditor independence. Moreover, the study reveals that shareholders primarily regard independence due to client dependence as a problem for firms that are more likely to be in financially distressed conditions.
Nach der durchgeführten Datenauswertung können die aufgestellten Hypothesen verifiziert werden. Im Folgenden wird auf jede einzelne Hypothese eingegangen. Die Hypothese zur Kinderzahl konnte verifiziert werden. In der untersuchten Kohorte hat die Kinderzahl tatsächlich einen starken negativen Einfluss auf die Summe der Entgeltpunkte, die für die Rentenhöhe steht. Das bedeutet, dass die heutigen Rentnerinnen mit Kindern trotz der rentenrechtlichen Regelungen finanzielle Nachteile gegenüber kinderlosen Rentnerinnen hinnehmen müssen. Mit jedem weiteren Kind wächst das Risiko einer niedrigen Rente, d. h. unter Umständen der Altersarmut. Trotz aller Bemühungen des Gesetzgebers ist die Kindererziehung oft für ein niedriges Einkommen der Frauen im Alter verantwortlich. Die Hypothese zum Ost-West-Unterschied hat sich ebenfalls bestätigt. Frauen in den alten Bundesländern beziehen im Durchschnitt eine niedrigere Rente als Frauen in den neuen Bundesländern. Als Grund dafür kann der institutionelle Unterschied zwischen der DDR und der BRD angesehen werden. Die Hypothese zur Geringfügigkeit der Beschäftigung konnte verifiziert werden. Frauen, die geringfügig tätig waren, beziehen weniger Rente als Frauen, die nicht geringfügig beschäftigt waren. Da Frauen bei einer geringfügigen Beschäftigung normalerweise weniger verdienen als bei einer Vollzeitbeschäftigung, erscheint dieser Befund als logisch. ...